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HEAR HIM!!!

The life of an individual who never performed any conspicuous part on the great stage of the world seems to be not worthy of being recorded. Nevertheless a true and faithful delineation of nature presents sometimes situations, which may be not only interesting but also entertaining to the reader. The events of mine, by their variety, seem to be calculated to create interest and to feed curiosity, and having been more than once desired to publish them, I yield to that wish. But in so doing I do not bind myself to more than telling the truth, it being not my intention to imitate I. I. Rousseau and to lay before the public a full and minute account of my youthful follies and errors. Wishing myself to forget them I certainly will not recal them to the recollection of those who may have forgotten them, and still less make them known to the rest of the world. Their exposition would besides, present nothing more than that which we see every day around us resulting from the activity of passions and from the inexperience of youth.

In an age which has adopted notions so different from those entertained by our foolish ancestors who were silly enough to value honor more than riches, and who paid respect not to the longer purse but to some kind of intrinsic worth; in an age, I say, when an universal levelling system yields only to the influence of Mammon, it appears that no kind of interest can accrue from the display of a genealogical tree. But my notions have unluckily not yet reached that degree of modern philosophy, and although I must confess that we are all descended from the same original stock, nevertheless I am fully persuaded that the social state requires a distinction of ranks. The famous pyramids of Egypt are the only monuments of any remote antiquity that have resisted the all destroying time. The most sumptuous temples and buildings are either prostrate and buried in their own dust, or falling to decay; not a trace remains of the Tower of Babel that threatened to unite the earth to the abode of the stars, the Pyramids alone remain a lasting proof of the solidity of that majestic shape that rests on a broad basis and terminates in a point. The principle of the solidity of that shape and its symmetry are assuredly applicable to social order. Every layer thus successively and proportionally diminishing in its dimension constitutes the strength and the beauty of the whole. Remove one or more of those layers and it becomes a shapeless and unsightly mass of stones.

Society is composed of a multitude of elements that require to be ordained so as to form a regular whole, strong enough to last and symmetric enough to please.

We have never seen a republic remain for a long space of time in a state of peace and tranquillity. Civil feuds and their concomitant proscriptions have sooner or later led them to their destruction and made them fall an easy prey to despotism. Neither could the feudal system long maintain itself. It was unseemly, the basis of the pyramid being out of proportion with its height.

Without however carrying farther this trope, simile, figure or what ever name can be given to it, the experience of all ages has proved that the Monarchical government under its different modifications, is the most conducive to the peace and consequent prosperity of an empire. The same experience has proved that no monarchy can support itself without a gradation of social ranks.

In effect a sovereign is neither more nor less than a man; as such he is subject to all the infirmities of human nature. His physical faculties do not exceed those of any one of his subjects and his bodily strength is not superior to that of any of them. How then could he contend with the millions over whom he rules if he was not surrounded with a moral strength, sufficient not only to enable him to repel resistance but also to compel obedience. It is true that this moral strength is for the greatest part derived from the powers centred in him by the Constitution of his country. Nevertheless those powers with which he is entrusted, that splendor that surrounds him, those prerogatives which he enjoys could not alone attain the degree of necessary strength. There must be added to them a certain idea of superiority in the very nature of the man himself. That superiority not existing in fact, can have an ideal existence only by keeping the man, at such distance from the eyes of the vulgar, as will prevent the infirmities of his nature being perceived by the mass of the people. The higher therefore the pyramid at the top of which the sovereign is placed the stronger is that additional moral strength. But mind, that that exaltation be not such as to expose the basis to be crushed by the over-weight of the top, for then the whole must perish in its ruins.

This preamble fifty or sixty years ago would not only have appeared superfluous but even ridiculous as being then the universally adopted principle of organization. It is true that even then our wise-acres the pretended philosophers of that era, had already began their attempt to substitute their new fangled doctrines to the long tried experience of ages past. Most of them deficient in those qualifications which in those days ensured respect, had already began with their sacriligeous hands to undermine the altars of religion, loyalty and honor. Riches being of a more easy access to them than any other social distinction, they naturally levelled the whole of their hostile exertions towards the honorary distinctions with which real worth had been rewarded, and the late events have proved that the propagation of error is easier than the defence of truth. I have been a witness of those fanciful theories, and of their baneful effects. Happily we may hope that they have done their worst and we have now before us the flattering prospect of religion, loyalty, and honor resuming their pre-eminence. As to me altho’ I confess freely that hereditary nobility far from entitling him who accidentally enjoys it to respect, if it is not supported by those virtues by which it was originally acquired, must draw upon him an additional degree of contempt. I cannot help thinking that when supported with honorable sentiments, it becomes a title to general respect more valuable than mere riches. I shall most probably have other opportunities in the course of this narrative of my life to touch on that subject again.

To be continued.

Since the publication of our first number we have been charged with error in our reflections on the dispensation of the premiums, awarded by the Agricultural Society of this Province to breeders of cattle. That pretended error consists in having said, that these rewards were awarded to the man whose pig exceeded in bulk &c. without pointing out the means by which this paltry superiority had been obtained. We have been told that these means were always communicated to the Committee and were the basis of the pronounced award. That might be so; but what benefit can result to the community at large if that communication is not disseminated, so as to enable every one to try the efficacy of the process. It will never be from a few experiments on a small scale that one can deduct certain consequences, especially when nature itself may contribute its share in the result.

But are our views to be directed only towards the fattening of cattle; or rather does that branch of agricultural industry hold the first rank in the wished for improvements? We acknowledge the importance of cattle, but it is not as far as it is conducive to the pampering of our refined appetites. Their quantity ought to attract our attention for many obvious reasons most principally. The soil requires frequent manuring, and the most natural and the cheapest manure is produced by cattle. Our markets want a supply, and assuredly it is our interest to provide it from our own fields rather than to owe it to strangers. ^[1]Grass is altogether the cheapest and the most natural food of every kind of cattle. The first object therefore should be the encouragement of the cultivation of the appropriate artificial grasses by awarding not a few dollars, but such sums of money as would be capable of exciting emulation and of overcoming prejudice, for the greatest number of acres of land turned into profitable pastures, and for the greatest number of every sort of cattle bred, reared and fed on estates in proportion to their extent.

Our climate requires certain modifications in regard to the winter keeping; this must again be the result of experiments encouraged and made upon a certain proportionable scale. Who is to make those experiments? Is it a poor ignorant countryman? We have no right and still less reason to expect it. In England all the experiments that have led to agricultural improvements have been made by rich and enlightened proprietors. Their success has spurred their neighbours to imitate them. Their communication to the public at large of the improving means has encouraged far and wide their adoption, and excited the emulation of others. But again, how was that communication universally diffused? Not immediately by them. These is in the Board of Agriculture established by law and supported by government a point to which all these communications centers. There they are received, examined, appreciated, and thence that which is acknowledged to be some useful discovery is diffused thro’ the country by means of a periodical pamphlet published under the sanction of the Board. The mass of experimental information thus diffused is accumulated, by the result of the labours and observations of a great number of local agricultural associations, now existing in almost every corner of the United Kingdom. Whatever might be the zeal and the talents possessed by the respectable citizens of Quebec who are at the head of an association for that purpose and in a manner acknowledged by the pecuniary support it receives from the Provincial Legislature, it would be unjust to require of them without fee or reward to bestow their whole time on duties of so great importance. It is an old maxim that every labour is worth its reward, but the scantiness of the present pecuniary provision does not allow such a reward.

It appears therefore that in order to promote the progress of agriculture in this province, the first step must be the establishment of a regular and permanent Board of Agriculture, allowing a proper and adequate salary to its necessary members and officers. The business of the Board under the immediate controul of government would be to suggest the most proper means of attaining the object of their institution, and the probable expences necessary to carry on experiments in different parts of the province, to procure the importation of cattle, seeds, and utensils, and to empower them to award the premiums of encouragement. To that board as a center would be sent all communications from local associations, from individuals and from those intrusted with the management of the divers experimental farms established by them. Out of this mass of communication they would chuse that which ought to be published and disseminated for the information and instruction of the community.

The establishment of experimental farms in divers parts of this province appear to deserve the first attention of the board. There are very few able and willing to venture on doubtful schemes. It will be even hard enough to rouse the generality of our habitants from that kind of lethargic supineness under which they labour. Nothing short of the most evident profitable results after repeated trials shall be able to induce them to abandon their sluggish and precarious ways, and to adopt new ones. The mode of the tenure under which they hold their lands adds to this difficulty. The dues to their seignior are but trifling. They have no land taxes to pay and their tythes are so insignificant, that they can be said without a great deviation from strict truth to enjoy the whole result of their labour. Satisfied with that, they do not covet an increase of profit purchased by an increase of labour and even of thought.

The next step would be to provide these experimental farms with the agricultural implements now in use abroad, that our habitants might be made acquainted with their utility, advantage and convenience. Such preliminaries appear to us to be indispensible for the attainment of the object in view. Then it will be time to stimulate the industry of our country people by premiums and rewards for improvements on a large scale, the only ones that can be really useful.

But, will it be asked, what shall we do with an increase of agricultural productions, since we already do not know what to do with our present superflux? We shall try in a following number to answer that query.

That the generations grown up to manhood since the beginning of the French revolution have imbibed false notions on a science that has not yet been submitted to regular principles, has nothing that can excite our wonder. From that epoch the voice of reason has been drowned either by the groans of those victims immolated on the altar of pretended liberty, or by the ferocious acclamations of pretended patriots. The apostles of a new fangled philosophy supported by a blind and ignorant multitude, were the only ones whose stentorial lungs could enable to be heard, notwithstanding the tumult of arms and of proscriptions, and therefore they alone could make an impression on the blank leaf of youthful and inexperienced minds. These are therefore excusable and nothing else than mature reflection can remove the evil, and the world must patiently wait for a quiecent state until those same generations have disappeared from the earth, and have been replaced by succeeding ones who shall have received first impressions more consonant with real liberty and true patriotism.

But what shall we say of those men who by their age and their experience, ought to have been set on their guard against the snares of sophistry and the speciousness of metaphysical subtilties. Their apostacy has not even the excuse of enthusiasm. It is a sentiment which, produced by the excited vital spirits, seems to be the exclusive portion of youth. This kind of political apostacy would rouse some feeling bordering on anger, if it was not rendered ridiculous by their assumption of the gift of second sight. But mark well, their prophecies never foretel good, but like the lamenting prophet of old none but disastrous forebodings came out of their mouth or of their friends. If we look over (for example) all the speeches transmitted to us by the press, as well as all the pamphlets issued out of it in succession for these 40 or 50 years we will find, that such has constantly been the spirit that has inspired those wise men. Poor ill fated England! Thou wert doomed to a limited period of existence during the American revolutionary war. At that epoch the Senate as well as those instructors of mankind, the ephemeral production of the press, boldly predicted the total ruin of the British Isles and lo! “the curses of the wicked is turned into blessings” and these so threatened petty sea girt spots are since become the emporium of science, arts and commerce, the favorites of Platus and the arbiters of the destinies of Europe. Nevertheless these ridiculous croakings and disastrous forebodings continue still to be the mania of the day. The Prophetic inspirations remain still of the same black hue, and it is to be hoped that they will forever prove as fallacious. Are we not told that “enough are the cares of the day”? are we not advised to “drink and eat and be merry to-day for surely to-morrow we die”? Do we not feel that the fear of evil is of itself an existing evil? yea! and none more annoying to human happiness. Unluckily the positiveness of these oracles of misery is too capable of exciting a kind of irritation in the public mind, which too often bursts out and is productive of a portion of predicted evils, whereby a kind of confidence in these soothsayers is upheld notwithstanding their so often proved fallacy.

The mania has reached this remote part of the civilized world. If the founders of this colony could visit it again how surprised would they not be on finding among their own descendants, such alteration in the temper and manner of their progenitors, in vain would they look for that cheerfulness of disposition which so eminently characterised the happy Frenchman. To that carelessness for future evils which was evinced by their constant gayety they would find substituted the corrosive anxiety of fear; gloomy homilies instead of the gay madrigal; bitter complaints in lieu of light jeux d’esprit; the virulent expressions of imaginary grievances to the merry tunes of the pipe and tabor. Such was the happy lot of Frenchmen until they listened to the voice of political quacks, who persuaded them that they were the worst of slaves groaning under the merciless lash of one task-master. The word “Liberty”, that word which for meaning too much signifies nothing, gave an unnatural impulse to a nation but too prone to yield to the feelings of the moment. The French rose; they murdered successively their king and his family, their best friends, their priests; they burned and destroyed that which had hitherto been the object of their veneration and love. Like children in the absence of their school-master they gave themselves up to every kind of excess; and after having experienced all the horrors of the most licentious anarchy they found themselves too happy to revert to their old system a little disguised it is true, by the appearance of some modifications. We may even go so far and assert that they most willingly and readily submitted to the despotism of a stranger, rather than enjoy the phantom they had for several years been so eagerly pursuing through streams of blood, fields reeking with human gore, and excess of misery.

Is then the experience of atrocities possibly resulting from one revolution not sufficient for curing us of the revolutionizing mania? It appears not! If we read in our weekly or daily emissions of our wise presses we find them filled, with the most fulsome praises of the brave patriots, who in both hemispheres are under the standards of rebellion bravely contending for that so valuable liberty. On the other hand we see the most furious anathemas against the devoted heads of sovereigns performing their most sacred duties, in endeavouring to preserve their hereditary and consequently just rights, and to avert from their subjects the evils attending civil discords. Ask of these wise men whether on seeing their next neighbour in a fit of madness or intoxication attempting to set fire to his own premises, whereby theirs would be endangered, they would remain quiet spectators of the result, or whether they should not use every means in their power, even the utmost violence, to prevent that result. Would any court of justice pronounce him guilty of murder, who should in the protection of his property and possibly of his existence and of that of his family, have been reduced to the last means left to him, namely the death of the unfortunate maniac.

I cannot refrain from emitting here an idea that often struck me on reading those praises in favor of sedition and insurrection. It might appear perhaps rather too severe against these pamphleteers; I wish with all my heart I may be mistaken. But I cannot help thinking that those who are so prone and so loud in debasing the legal authorities of other countries, would not be the last in approving resistance against those under which they live, were it not for fear of deserved punishment or from self interested motives. There is at least a ground for suspicion. The apostle of disloyalty in others cannot be presumed of being himself entirely free from it. Would it not be perhaps more prudent and certainly decorous to remain within the limits of common decency and contenting one self with general reflections on political events, especially on those in which we are not personally or nationally concerned, and not rashly condemn that which we are not competent to judge. Kings and Sovereigns are men like ourselves and are intitled from us to that same justice in regard to them as we would exact as our due were we in judgment.

We accept with gratitude the proffered assistance of the above correspondent, and feel happy that our ideas on education and instruction are not peculiar to ourselves. It is not however on account of that coincidence of opinion that we court his correspondence, for any contradictory one would be received with the same sense of gratitude. We have our opinions, we think them right, and without laying any claim to infalibility we shall persist in them, until by sound argument we shall be convinced of our error.

Mr. Editor,

I now proceed in conformity to promise to resume my remarks on Patriotism.

1st. It has been said Mr. Editor, that because ambition or the love of power has induced many to assume the language of the patriot, and for a while to imitate his conduct, and thereby having succeeded to impose on the affections of their countrymen, have no sooner been raised by them into situations of power, than they have thrown off the mask, and evinced by their tyranny, that they had all along been very different characters from what they professed. It has been argued from this, (I say) that patriotism does not exist; but the same argument might be adduced to prove the non existence of every virtue, for how often has not the mark of virtue covered the hideousness of depravity.

That the love of fame is a strong stimulus to action, none who are the least acquainted with the nature of the human mind will deny; nay, that it is a very laudable and praise worthy principle, as far as it regards public duty few will contest; and that the very nature of the virtue of patriotism renders the man who professes it, alive to the praises as well as to the censures of his countrymen I am ready to allow; and that in all (or in most of those) who truly deserve the name of patriot, this lively and grateful sense of fame operates in a double way, namely as a reward for past, and as a stimulus to future excellence I cheerfully admit; but how the existence of a congenial excellence (although confessedly inferior to patriotism), in the same mind, can be a proof of the non existence of that virtue, is a mode of reasoning that is truly astonishing. It is certainly a new discovery the credit of which I am very willing should be entirely given to such as advance the argument.

One would rather imagine that the existence of this congenial principle, would as naturally suppose the existence of patriotism in the same mind, as the vivid and beautiful colours of the rainbow would induce us to believe the existence of the opposite sun in the heavens.

Self love, say others, is the most powerful motive in man and therefore patriotism, which is the love of our country cannot exist.—Why may not this powerful principle destroy all the other virtues, as well as this one? nay, why is religion, the mother of them all, not sent by its mighty force to the gloomy shades of oblivion!!!

But what is this same self love, which is represented as this sole agent in their world? Is it that low disposition that prefers its own gratification to every other consideration? that would not give up the slightest enjoyment, or submit to the smallest inconvenience, to save the lives, liberties or properties of their fellow creatures? Then we will, indeed allow that patriotism, and this low sordid principle, cannot be inmates of the same soul. But to say that all mankind are actuated by this mean principle, is such a gross insult to the dignity of man, that it cannot be passed over without bestowing upon it the most unqualified censure. No Sir, these persons may lay their hands on their own breasts if they please, and measuring others by themselves, try to level mankind to their own standard; but it will not do.

If they mean by self-love, the extensive view that an enlightened mind takes of moral principles and actions, and perceiving that the result of all moral excellence, disinterested benevolence, and public virtue, is the most sublime enjoyment, and the most exalted happiness to the man who is actuated by such motives; and that therefore he looks forward to the enjoyment of it as his sure reward, and does every thing in his power to stimulate others around him to obtain by the same means similar results; we beg leave to recognise this, as not only a congenial disposition of mind to patriotism, but as the soil in which it will grow to the highest degree of perfection; and although patriotism may exist where this enlightened and extensive view of things is not in the mind, yet it may be like a small rivulet, which is a blessing only as far as its scanty waters reach, without admitting a comparison with a mighty river, which visiting many great countries spreads the blessings of commerce and riches over them, as well as fertility, vegetation and beauty, in the immense space through which it flows.

I question much if there be a moral virtue that expands the mind, and rises it so far above every low and ignoble passion, as patriotism. One can hardly speak of it, without feeling a kindred elevation of soul; a disposition that throws a mean and sordid self interest quite into the back ground, and induces us to pity the poor being, who like a vile snail can coil himself within his own shell, regardless if his own back be covered, what becomes of all mankind around him. Poor wretch, he cannot feel that sympathetic glow, which every mind is blessed with, that is not bound with fetters like his, when this inspiring subject is introduced; and, by the bye, this general sympathy of uncorrupted minds, is a strong proof that patriotism is a principle intimately connected with our being, and can only be torn from our minds, by the habitual indulgence of opposite passions. Upon the whole it appears clearly to me, that this virtue has always existed, does now exist, and will exist while man himself exists.

G. S——tt.

Sir,

The following lesson for Jurors, which cannot be too generally known and circulated, appears to be well calculated for a place in your Enquirer:

A Judge, who travelled the north west circuit of Ireland, (about thirty-five years ago,) presided at the trial of the following cause: It was the case of a Landlord’s prosecution against a poor man who was his tenant, for assault and battery, committed on the person of the prosecutor by the defendant, in the preservation of his only child, an innocent and beautiful girl, from ravishment.

When the poor man was brought into court and put to the bar, the prosecutor appeared and swore most manfully to every article in the indictment. He was cross examined by the jurors, who was composed of honest tradesmen and respectable farmers. The poor man had no lawyer to tell his story; he pleaded his own cause—and he pleaded, not to the fancy, but to the judgment and the heart.—The Jury found him Not Guilty.

The court seemed highly displeased; but the surrounding spectators gladdened to exultation, uttered a shout of applause.

The Judge told the Jury they must go back to their room, and reconsider the matter, adding, “He was astonished they could presume to return so infamous a verdict.” The jury bowed, went back, and in a quarter of an hour returned, when the foreman, a venerable old man, thus addressed the Bench:—“My Lord, in compliance with your desire we went back to our Jury-room, but as we found no cause to alter our opinions, or our verdict, we return it to you, in the same words as before Not Guilty.—We heard your Lordship’s extraordinary language of reproof—but we do not accept it as properly or warantably applying onto us. It is true, my Lord, that we ourselves, individually considered, in our private capacities, may be poor insignificant men; therefore in that light we claim nothing, out of this box, above the common regard due to our humble but honest stations, but, my Lord, assembled here as a Jury, we cannot be insensible to the great and constitutional importance of the department we now fill; we feel, my Lord, that we are appointed, as you are, by the Law and the Constitution, not only as an impartial tribunal to judge between the king and his subjects,—the offended and the offender,—but, we act in a situation of still greater confidence; for we form as a Jury the barrier of the people, against the possible influence, prejudice, passion, or corruption of the Bench.”

“To you, my Lord, meeting you within these walls, I, for my own part, might measure my respect by your private virtues,—but the moment I am enclosed in this place, your private character is invisible; for it is in my eyes veiled by your official one, and to open conduct in that, only we can look.”

“This Jury, my Lord, does not, in this business presume to offer the Bench the smallest decree of disrespect, much less of insult; we pay it the respect one tribunal should pay to another, for the common honour of both. This Jury, my Lord, did not arraign that Bench with partiality, prejudice, infamous decision, nor yet with influence, passion, corruption, oppression, or tyranny; no, we looked to it as the mercy-seat of royalty—as the sanctuary of truth and justice.—Still my Lord, we cannot blot from our minds the records of our school book, nor erase the early impressions written in our intellects and memories. Hence we must be mindful, that monarchs are but fallible mortals, that tyrants have sat on thrones, that the mercy-seat of royalty and the sanctuary of justice have been polluted by a Tresilian, a Scraggs, and a Jeffries.”

Here was a frown from the Bench.

“Nay my Lord, I am a poor man, but I am a freeborn subject of the kingdom of Ireland—a member of the constitution—nay—I am now higher, for I am the representative thereof. I therefore claim for myself and fellow jurors the liberty of speech, and, if I am refused it here—I shall assume it before the people at the door of this Court House and tell them why I deliver my mind there, instead of delivering it in this place.

“I say, my Lord, we have nothing to do with your private character, we know you only in that of a judge, and as such we would respect you, you know nothing of us but as a jury, and in that situation we would look to you for reciprocal respect; because we know of no man however high his titles or his rank, in whom the law or the constitution would warrant the presumption of an unprovoked insult towards that tribunal in whom the constitution had vested the clearest and most invaluable privilege the people possess. I before said, my Lord, that we are here met, not individually nor do we assume pre-eminence, but in the sacred character of a jury, we should be wanting in reverence to the constitution itself if we did not look for the respect of every man who regards it, we sit here, my Lord, sworn to give a verdict according to our consciences, and the best of our opinions on the evidence before us. If we have erred—we are answerable, not to your Lordship, nor to that Bench, nor to the King who placed you there, but to a higher power, The King of Kings.”

The Bench was struck dumb, the bar silent; but approbation was shouted throughout the crowd; and the poor man was discharged.

The noble independence and the firm virtue of this jury require no comment—the energetic, constitutional, and glorious sentiment of their foreman, are above all praise.

Your firm attachment to the principles of the British Constitution, and more especially to its jurisprudence as one of its greatest bulwarks, leave no doubt on my mind, that this will appear in the next number of the Enquirer.

I am Sir,

Yours respectfully,

G. S.

Liverpool, October 1, 2318.—Two vessels, laden with the produce of Spain, touched here for water a few days since. These are the only vessels which have been seen here for above a month.

Edinburgh, October 1, 2318.—Last week, by a special order from government, three men were executed in the new way (by hanging with their heads downwards), for having the daring impudence to assert, in the open street, in public violation of respect for the three great kings, that “America was the only country for liberty, and England was becoming desolate.” They appeared resigned, but did not seem sorry for what they had done. They died in two hours and twenty-nine minutes.

Philadelphia, October 1, 2318.—This city, now so flourishing, has added, by an act of the assembly, thirteen new parishes, all of which are extremely well built, and every house has the excellent recommendation of being covered with iron. The population of this place, and suburbs, has been computed lately, and is stated at two millions of souls. The markets here are kept in the strictest order, and no filth is seen about the streets. The method of keeping the markets clean we recommend to general notice. The waggons with ten wheels are used for this purpose; and, as they pass through the markets every hour, the people throw into them all waste whatever. For this purpose a small tax is levied, which the inhabitants pay with pleasure, as it conduces so much to their own comfort.

INSCRIBED ON A TOMBSTONE IN A COUNTRY CHURCH YARD.

BY S. C.

YES, ’TIS HE!

EPIGRAM.

REGISTER for SERVANTS, EMIGRANTS &c.

The Register Established last year for Emigrants &c. will be continued at the Store adjoining the National Printing Office, Hope Street. Persons in want of Servants, Mechanics, Labourers &c. can be supplied.—

Charge for every separate Registry, 1s. 3d.

To be Paid at the time of Entry.

All possible attention will be given to the Character of Individuals; though the proprietor cannot be answerable for such.

Advertisements inserted at the following rates—

In one Language,

In both Languages, Double the above rates.

☞Every 1st insertion must be paid in Advance.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

The hints of Erasmus and many other friends, will be taken into consideration.

We thank N. T. for his information.

G. S—tt’s communication, will be inserted.

“Observations on the evident Partiality of allowing a provision for the settlement of Scotch Emigrants, and denying it to the Irish and English,” though sufficiently spirited and pointed, had better be enquired into more particularly before we can determine upon its admission.

Essays, moral, literary, or humerous, if good will be received with pleasure.

Enquire at this Office.

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY,

Saturday, 13th February, 1810.

ORDERED, That the Rule established by this House on the third day of February, one thousand eight hundred and ten, concerning the notices for Petition for private Bills, be printed once monthly in the public news papers of this Province, during three years.

Attest Wm. LINDSAY.

Clk. Assy.

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY,

Saturday, 3d February, 1810.

RESOLVED, That after the close of the Session, before any Petition is presented to this House for leave to bring in a private Bill, whether for the erection of a Bridge or Bridges, for the regulation of a Common, for the making of any Turnpike Road, or for granting to any individual, or individuals, any exclusive right or privilege whatsoever, or for the alteration or renewing of any Act of the Provincial Parliament for the like purposes: notice of such application shall be given in the Quebec Gazette, and in one of the news papers of the district, if any is published therein, and also by a notice affixed on the Church Doors of the Parishes that such application may affect or in the most public place, where there is no Church during two months at least, before such Petition is presented.

Attest, Wm. LINDSAY,

Clk. Assy.

The Printers of the Newspapers in this Province are requested to insert the above Resolutions in the manner directed by the first. Their accounts will be paid at the end of the year at the Clerk’s Office, House of Assembly.

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY,

Monday, 22d March, 1810.

RESOLVED, that after the present Session, before any petition praying leave to bring in a Private Bill for the erection of a Toll Bridge is presented to this House, the person or persons purporting to petition for such Bill, shall, upon giving the Notice prescribed by the Rule of the 3d day of February, 1810, also at the same time and in the same manner, give a Notice stating the rates which they intend to ask, the extent of the privilege, the height of the arches, the interval between the abutments or piers for the passage of rafts and vessels, and mentioning whether they purpose to erect a Draw-Bridge or not and the dimension of such Draw-Bridge.

Ordered, that the said Rule be printed and published at the same time and in the same manner as the Rule of the 3d February, 1810.

Attest Wm. Lindsay, Jr. Clk. Assy.

CHAMBRE d’ASSEMBLEE,

Samedi, 13e. Février, 1810.

ORDONNE, Que la Règle établie le trois Février Mil huit cent dix, concernant les notices pour les requêtes pour des Bills privés, soit imprimée une fois par mois dans les papiers publics de cette Province, pendant trois années.

Attesté.

Attesté WM. LINDSAY,

Greff. Assée.

CHAMBRE d’ASSEMBLEE,

Samedi, 3e. Février, 1810.

RESOLU, Qu’après la fin de la présente session, avant qu’il soit présenté à cette Chambre aucune Pétition pour obtenir permission d’introduire un Bill privé pour ériger un Pont ou des Ponts, pour regler quelque Commun, pour ouvrir quelque Chemin de Barrière, ou pour accorder à quelqu’individu ou à des individus quelque droit ou privilège exclusif quelcouque, ou pour altérer ou renouveller quelque Acte du Parlement Provincial pour de semblables objets, il sera donné notice de telle application qu’on se proposera de faire, dans la Gazette de Québec, et dans un des papiers Publics du District, s’il y en a, et par une affiche posée à la porte des Eglises des Paroisses qui pourront être intéressées à telle application, ou à l’endroit le plus public, s’il n’y a point d’Eglise, pendant deux mois, au moins, avant que telle pétition soit présentée.

Attesté, WM. LINDSAY,

Greff. Assée.

Les Imprimeurs de Papiers-nouvelles en cette Province sont priés d’insérer les Résolution ci-dessus, en la manière ordonnée par la première. Leurs comptes seront payés à la fin de l’année, en par eux s’adressant au Bureau du Greffier de la Chambre d’Assemblée.

CHAMBRE d’ASSEMBLEE,

Lundi, le 22 Mars, 1810.

RESOLU, Qu’après la présent Session, avant qu’il soit présenté à cette Chambre aucune Pétition pour obtenir permission d’introduire un Bill privé pour ériger un Pont de Peage, la personne ou les Personnes qui se proposeront de pétitionner pour tel Bill en donnant la Notice ordonné par la Règle du 3e. Février 1810, donnera aussi en même tems et de la même manière un Avis notifiant les taux qu’elle se proposeront de demander, l’étendue du privilege, l’élévation des Arches, l’eapaceestre les Bulées ou Piliers pour le passage des Cageux, Cages et Bâtimens, et mentionnant si ellès se proposent de bátiun Pont Levisou non et les dimensions de tel Pont Levis.

Ordonné, Que ladite Règle soit imprimée et publiée en même tems et de la même manière que la Règle du trois Février, 1810.

Attesté WM. LINDSAY,

Greffr. Assée.

FOR SALE,

SEVERAL Lots of excellent land directly on the line of the road called Craig’s Road, in the Township of Ireland, the situation most eligible for the erection of Stores, Taverns, &c. Purchase Money 20l. for each lot of 100 Acres. Apply to

COL. BOUCHETTE,

Land Surveyor General,

Or the Printer.

DRUMMONDVILLE.

FOR SALE—One hundred acres of and more of Land, several acres of which is cleared and in a state of Cultivation—With a good Log House, Barn &c. Price 100 Dollars ready money. Apply to

Mr. THOMAS SHEPHERD,

Y. Maska, near William Henry

FOR SALE,

A Handsome second hand Portable WRITING DESK. To prevent trouble, Price 3l.

Apply at the Store adjoining the National and British Printing Office.

FOR SALE,

A Good old Work—“The Institution of the Christian Religion by John Calvin”—Date 1811—Price [**unclear] dollars. Apply to

Mr. H. C. FLEMING,

Or the Printer.

WANTED to purchase a Cleared Farm of from 50 to 100 Acres within nine miles of Quebec.

Enquire at this Office.

LAND ON EQUAL SHARES,

Without Purchase Money.

THE Undersigned, having one thousand acres of as fine LAND as any in the Province, in the Township of Ireland, (where there are several Settlers,) within one mile of the Main Road called Craig’s Road, is ready to treat with one person or more, to join in clearing the said Land, and raising a farm for the benefit of all concerned.—No Purchase Money Required.

LIEUT. HORSELEY, R. N.

Additional Reference may be had of the Printer.

TOWNSHIP OF GRANTHAM.

FOR SALE, a Lot of Land, 45 miles to the east of Three Riyers, being No. 2 in the Township of Grantham, consisting of 100 acres five of which is cleared, with a Log House—For 10l. ready money.

PATRICK SMITH,

Drummondville.

Respectfully acquaints the Ladies and Gentlemen of this city and its vicinity, that he continues to perform every operation in the line of his profession. He extracts, files, plugs, cleans and transplants teeth; restores the loss of teeth with artificial ones, that shall be useful, ornamental and durable, and gives little or no pain to the patient.

Mr. H. attends Ladies and Gentlemen at their place of residence when required.

N. B. Mr. H. lives in the house of Mr. Wm. Hamilton, forming the corner of Lewis and Haldemand Street, which leads to the Cape, nearly opposite the Court House.—Poor gratis.

Mr. Lindon having the support and recommendation of the Gentlemen at the head of the faculty of this City, begs to inform the Public that he continues to receive all Patients labouring under the following diseases

There is scarce a distemper in which it will fail to effect a Cure if assisted by proper Regimen and Medicine; and where the latter are necessary the family Physician is invariably referred to.

Ladies and Gentlemen desirous of experiencing the exhilerating, Bracing, and Strengthening powers of the

ELECTRIC FLUID,

or of witnessing its extraordinary effects upon others, can attend any hour of the day.

Charge 2s. 6d. for every operation and for every separate person attending. Patients will be attended at their own residence if required.

Respectfully returns his grateful thanks to the Public, for the very liberal support he has received since he commenced business on his own account, and begs to make known that his Spring Goods are arrived, which from the excellency of the Skins and Patterns will enable him to execute in a very superior manner any work which he may be entrusted and on the same reasonable terms.

For Sale 1000 Acres of Land on the eleventh range of the Township of Stoneham; near the flourishing settlement of Vale Cartier. The land is of a very superior quality, and situated in as delightful and romantic a spot as any within the Canadas. It would suit a sporting Gentleman the country abounding with Game and the lakes with wild Fowl and Fish.

The whole will be sold for ready money at 5 shillings the acre, or will be disposed of in lots of 200 acres at 9 shillings the acre.

For further particulars and a full description from the map apply at this Office.

Or of MISS BRYDON.

Quebec.

D. Reader from London, late foreman to R. Gain, Sign and Ornamental Painter, Glazier, &c. Respectfully informs the public, that he has removed to 25, St. Ann Street, near the Gaol, and his being enabled by a process (which has been approved of by the Royal Society at London) to render Fish Oil superior to Linseed Oil for all kinds of work exposed to the weather, as being far more durable, and at 25 per cent lower than the usual prices.

Chairs and all other furniture painted to any pattern, Maps and Prints varnished, Gilding, &c. &c.

Quebec, August 1, 1821.

Mis-spelled words and printer errors have been fixed.

Several words were completely unreadable and have been marked with [**unclear].

[The end of The Enquirer Issue 03 of 12 (July 1821) by C. D. E.]