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PORTRAIT OF HENRY WOTTON
(From the original at Eton College, by an unknown painter.)

200. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.

Stowe MS. 172, f. 224, holograph. Wotton’s embassy to Turin.

My Lord,

Although since my return home from Venice by that place where you are, and where you used me so nobly, I have lived in much silence towards you and all others, passing my time more in mine own private study than in the Court, which is the market of noise and novelties; yet being now put abroad again by his Majesty into some action, I am bound to give your Lordship a reckoning of myself and of my employment, both out of the general duty of such correspondence as ought to run between the servants of one good master, and likewise by mine own personal and particular obligations towards yourself. It may please your Lordship, therefore, to understand from me, that I arrived yesternight as far as Amiens^[1] on my way towards the Court of Savoy; whither I am bearing his Majesty’s commandments, who is desirous to satisfy that Duke about the subject of the two late embassies, in the first propounding a reciprocal,^[2] in the second a single match. It is likewise his Majesty’s care not to remain in obligation for certain rarities that were sent him, and therefore he hath returned by me unto the said Duke a very rich and royal present, consisting of ten ambling horses, sumptuously caparisoned in several kinds, and a jewelled sword.^[3] And to conduct the horses he hath sent Sir Peter Saltanstone, one of the four queries^[4], whom the King doth well esteem, and five of his grooms with their coats, which company is gone before me for commodity sake, but is to stay at Lions till my arrival. I shall have with me, for gentlemen of quality, Sir Robert Riche^[5], whom I find here full of worthy remembrance of your Lordship, Mr. Francis Haward^[6], son to my Lord William, and Sir William Candishe^[7], son and heir to Sir Charles his father, and by his mother heir to the Barony of Ogle, a young gentleman very nobly bred, and of singular expectation; some other gentlemen there are of meaner note, whom I shall not need to describe unto your Lordship. Our whole troop together, when we shall pass the mountains, will be about fifty horse. Now, for the substance of mine errand, your Lordship may (if it please you) assure the Duke of Savoy’s Minister there, that if his master shall not, with those embassies wherewith he hath so much honoured his Majesty, gain an ally (whereof all the impediment shall depend upon some circumstances on his side, and on no disestimation of the offer on ours), yet en tout cas he hath gained a perpetual friend towards him and his in all just occasion, as I have very large and particular commission to assure him. This is that accompt which I found myself tied to give your Lordship of my present employment. It shall be a new obligation, if I may receive your letters at Lions, and in them any such advertisement as you may think to concern our master’s ends, as likewise any such news as your Lordship may have received from England very freshly, especially touching the sickness of my Lord Treasurer, whom I left in cheerful opinion of himself.^[8] Unto my Lady your wife I must remember my very humble service; of whose courteous usage of me, and generally of her noble fashion, I have been a professor in many places, which is all the payment I can yield her.

Lastly, I recommend unto your Lordship’s kindness this gentleman, Mr. Philip Worledge^[9], who having thought to pass with me into Italy, hath changed that resolution into a better, meaning for a year or such a matter, to perfect his French tongue in this kingdom, and afterwards to spend some two or three years in Italy. He is in himself of noble blend, and of good disposition and merit, and very nearest kin to my Lady my sister; which respects bind me to wish his well doing.

And so committing your Lordship and your whole family to God’s merciful love, I rest,

201. To the Earl of Pembroke.

Ashm. MS. 1729, f. 116, holograph. Wotton sends a copy of his dispatch to William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke (1580-1630).

My Lord,

I have sent herewith unto your Lordship the copy of ⟨my letter⟩ from this place to my L⟨ord of Salisbury. to⟩uching our journey hitherto and the ⟨eve⟩nts thereof, which I have done in two respects: first, for that your Lordship was one of those six whom his Majesty called into council about my dispatch; next, for mine own particular obligations towards yourself, which make me single your Lordship from the rest, and bind me to honour you, not in communi, but in individuo. When I have more matter, your Lordship shall have more trouble; and yet, perhaps, this is more than I shall know how to excuse or to redeem with the next. Our dear Saviour in the meanwhile, and ever, bless you.

My Lord, I have taken a presumption (which I hope your Lordship will pardon) to pass under your cover a few lines to my honest friend.

202. To the Earl of Salisbury.

Ashm. MS. 1729, f. 115, transcript unsigned, extract. No date, but the dispatch referred to in the previous letter. Wotton’s journey to Turin.

Right Honourable and my very good Lord,

. . . From Boulogne (where I wrote my last) through Picardie, Champagny, and a piece of the Duchy of Burgundie, I arrived at Lyons on Wednesday morning of the Easter week; and before dinner Sir Peter Saltonstone came likewise thither with his company by the way of Orleans. Our meeting thus together in the place which we had determined with the difference of so few hours, we esteemed a good presagement of the rest. In mine own passage I had here and there some honour done me by the mayors and eschevins, the governors of the principal towns being all at the Court by occasion of the late jollities.^[1] . . .

From Boulogne to Lyons I spent just three weeks, staying in no place longer than was meet for some care of our horses, save only at Troyes, where I rested a day and a half upon a little indisposition ⟨which⟩ William Candish had contracted, first by the extre⟨me of cold⟩ and wind, and then of heats, being loath to leave ⟨behind⟩ so sweet an ornament of my journey, and a gentleman himself of so excellent nature and institution. At Lyons we were forced to rest five days, partly for the refreshing of our own equipage, before we should climb the hills; but chiefly upon an unfortunate accident happened to one of the best horses of the King’s present, who had casually trod upon the sharp end of a pruner’s sickle, such as they use in the vineyards, which ran some two inches into his foot. Our stay was to see whether he could be recovered without shedding the hoof; whereof, when there appeared small hope, Sir Peter Saltonstone resolved to leave him behind, and to supply his room with a very fair ambler of his own, being in truth as careful and zealous a servant as I think his Majesty could have chosen; whereof he hath given good proof, having (except that casualty which could not be prevented by any discretion) conducted the rest hitherto so as they are in fairer condition than when they came forth, and are everywhere admired for delicate beasts.

From Lyons to Chambéry we took the longer way, by a day’s journey, to avoid the mountain de la Gibillotta. Our reception there was full of circumstances of great respect. The Marquis de Lanz met us some three or four miles out of the town, with about threescore ⟨horse,⟩ amongst his train some gentlemen of good t⟨itle. He⟩ brought me to his castle through the principal ⟨street⟩, where he had placed all along the ladies in windows, and in the chief view his own Valentina (as he called her), of whom he did me the honour to ask my opinion. In his castle he lodged all the gentlemen of my company, and disposed the rest in good houses. And the next day after dinner he conducted me in a coach two leagues on my way to Mormillian; the same horse that met us attending us out of the town. At this fort we first alighted, though seated very high on a rock, where Mons. de Lodes, captain of the place, after a salutation of all the small and great artillery, told me he had order from the Duke to show me more than had been opened even to cardinals. And so, leading us about (though in truth with concealment ⟨of the⟩ magazines, which perhaps were not so plentifully provid⟨ed, he en⟩ded with a very delicate banquet and music in a g⟨reat⟩ furnished room, which he called La Camera di Sua Alt⟨ezza⟩. After this, I was brought down to my lodging in the town by the Marquis, and there feasted that night, and a guard of muskets and harquebusiers appointed all night before my chamber, with sentinels on the stairs—nearer pomp than necessity; and so, having the next day after breakfast accompanied me on foot some quarter of a mile which could not well be ridden, we then parted.

These circumstances (which I have been curious to set down) were much magnified by the greatness of the Marquis, his birth and present authority, and somewhat likewise by the very propriety of his nature. By birth he is the Duke’s sister’s son,^[2] and his brother is the Marquis d’Este, a grandee of Spain. His title and present qualifications are these: Marchese di Lanz, capo di tutta la nobililà Piemontese et Savoiarda, Generale della Cavalleria di Sua Altezza, et suo Vice-Duca et Governatore Generale nelli stati di Savoia. His nature seemeth strangely composed, for though he be so popular, that in the street he will put off his hat to the meanest artisans, and even to beggars (as we twice noted), yet all men agree that he is otherwise not very cheap of his person. And he spared not himself to let fall in good handsome ⟨terms thus⟩ much to me, that he had never met nor gone with any ⟨ambassador⟩ out of the town, but had indeed received charge ⟨from the D⟩uke to exceed any former example. Thus his Majesty seeth that, for his sake, his humblest and unworthiest servant hath had an honest entrance into this country, upon which notwithstanding (though the whole fashion hath appeared very real) I dare conclude nothing, till my second audience with the Duke himself. For being sent to a Prince (who is Lerdo nada^[3]), and informed already (as I must presume) of what he shall expect, I am bound to leave a certain latitude of believing that he will set the best value that may be upon his own business in the noise of the world. Of which I shall inform his Majesty better, when I shall arrive where I desire. In the meantime I have been tedious to your Lordship, and in truth ⟨to myself,⟩ in running over this historical part of our passa⟨ge wi⟩th nothing but visible matter, or little more. ⟨In my⟩ next I shall endeavour, according to my poor capacity, to give his Majesty an accompt of the more substantial part of my employment, ever praying Almighty God to bless his royal person and estates.

203. To the Earl of Pembroke.

Ashm. MS. 1729, f. 114, holograph. Albertus Morton returning to England.

Right Honourable and my very good Lord,

This bearer A⟨lbertus Mort⟩on^[1] will, by your favour, ac⟨quaint your Lordship⟩ with what commissions ⟨I have charged him.⟩ I most humbly beseech ⟨you to receive⟩ him into your grace, ⟨for⟩ you ⟨have an⟩ undisseizable right in him two ways, first, as he is my nephew, next, as he is an honest man.

And so with a languishing look homewards, even among these infinite honours and entertainments, I humbly kiss your Lordship’s hands, and commit you to God’s blessed love.

204. To Adam Newton.

Harl. MS. 7002, f. 129, holograph. Wotton writes to Prince Henry’s secretary, Adam Newton, to acknowledge the receipt of a letter from the Prince. This note is undated, but endorsed ‘Aug. 1612’, and was probably written shortly after Wotton’s return to England on July 27, O.S.

Sir,

I received by my nephew such lines from his Highness as have bound me for ever, not only to his own grace that gave them life, but even to that hand which helped him; therefore, besides my other obligations to yourself, let me give you particular thanks for this last, and promise you the service of an honest man, which is most indubitably

205. To Sir Julius Caesar.

Lansd. MS. 165, f. 190, holograph. No date; endorsed ‘16 Sept. 1612’. Wotton writes to the Chancellor of the Exchequer about the payments for his embassy to Turin.

Right Honourable,

I humbly present unto your Honour here inclosed my accompts of this last employment, beseeching of you two favours. The one, that my diet money may run at least till the end of August, although my return to the King was, as I remember, on the 9th or 10th of that month: for so the late Lord Treasurer at my coming from Venice gave me in the entire month; and I think the case be so familiar in others that I shall not need to urge mine own example. The other favour that I beg of your Honour is that I may receive my demands out of that sum which Signor Filippo Burlamachi is to pay the King by order out of France; that so the said Burlamachi (upon whose credit I have lived abroad, and to whom I owe upon the point of 1,000 pounds) may be the sooner satisfied, as in truth his honest kindnesses require. All this is matter of favour and grace, wherein I am much emboldened by the many assurances of your Honour’s love towards me. The rest of my reckonings I have set down—not at large, as perhaps some do in the like case, but upon the truth of my conscience, wherein I will justify that both it hath been spent, and hath been spent necessarily; as I am sure will appear to those that shall examine the way I have gone outwards, and in return, and the impediments I have had on the way, besides the extraordinary charge that the very quality of my errand required, which in truth was to be helped with show, wherewith princes are often fed. Therefore in that part I call upon your Honour, not as a friend, but as a judge.

I am hindered myself at the present from waiting upon your Honour personally, and therefore I have been bold to trouble you with these lines by Mr. Pey, through whose hands all my former accompts and pecuniary businesses have passed at home. I will end with all hearty thanks to your Honour, for your great goodnesses towards me, and with assurance of all faithfulness on my part, in whatsoever you shall command me.

206. To the Viscount Rochester.

S. P. Dom. Jas. I, lxxi, no. 33, holograph. Wotton asks that Sir George Carew’s pension may be conferred on him.

Right Honourable and my very good Lord,

In this City of Westminster (where I have a poor lodging) Sir George Carie, Master of the Wards, died the last night:^[1] which hath occasioned me to take this presumption of writing unto your Lordship, whose noble favour I humbly beg in procuring from the King the continuance of that annual pension of 200 pounds unto me, which the said Sir George Carie enjoyed during his life.

We were both at one time in several places his Majesty’s servants abroad; and albeit the condition of Italie (as then seeming to threaten some great and good alteration) drew on my time there to double the length of his in Fraunce, yet at my return home we had the same pensions allotted us, through the late Lord Treasurer’s representation of our cases to our good master; perhaps with some disequity, if it may become me to charge a man at rest so far, to whom otherwise for his professions I was much beholden. Now (my Lord) although I know that the bounties of kings are the motions of their own hearts, and do not ordinarily pass (to use the law phrase) by way of accrue from one fellow-servant to a survivor; yet I hope that his Majesty (to whom my devotion began before my subjection) may be pleased, by your Lordship’s favourable means, to extend unto me this effect of his mere grace.

And to your Lordship (by whose mediation I shall gain it) I can promise no more than a perpetual acknowledgement of you for my patron, whom I beseech, howsoever, to pardon this unseasonable boldness in a time of so public grief.^[2] And so committing your prosperity to God I humbly rest,

207. To Mark Welser^[1].

Reliq., 1st ed., p. 400. Wotton defends himself against Scioppius.

Marco Velsero, Duumviro Augustae Vindeliciae, Henricus Wottonius S.O.

Privatim antehac ad te aliquoties scripsi; nunc causa est ut publice quoque id faciam: haec, qualis sit, quaeso audias. Prostabat Francofurti superioribus Nundinis opus quoddam, si molem spectes (quod fere sit) non sane de infimis, cum hac inscriptione;

Huius operis consutor, cum farraginem rerum undecunque emendicaret, videtur nescio quo modo incidere in iocosam Legati definitionem, quam iam ante octennium istac transiens apud amicum virum Christophorum Fleckamerum^[2] forte posueram in Albo Amicorum more Teutonico his ipsis verbis; ‘Legatus est vir bonus, peregre missus ad mentiendum Reipublicae caussa.’^[3] Definitio adeo fortasse catholica, ut complecti possit etiam Legatos a latere. Quid hic, obsecro, facit Scioppius? Reserat familiaritatis scrinia, resuscitat, post tot annos, obsoletos sales, iam ipsa vetustate ab inquietudine redemptos; ornat me, pro humanitate sua, clementissima interpretatione, tanquam id non solum serio sed et iactanter scripsissem; neque hoc contentus, conatur quoque intemeratum optimi Regis nomen per iocos meos in invidiam trahere, quasi Domini praestare tenerentur etiam servorum lusus; postremo ad honestandam petulantiam suam locum unum atque alterum ex Esaia et Solomone lepide intermiscet,^[4] ut nihil est tutum a profanis ingeniis. Haec in me fateor cecidisse miro seculo. Quis enim putarat nasciturum hominem impatientem brevis ioci super Legatorum licentia qui tantum politica agitant, ubi indies videmus ipsam Sacrosanctae Theologiae severitatem a quibusdam aequivocationum, mentalium reservationum, et piarum fraudum magistris tam foede constupratam? neque hoc obiter, aut iocose, aut in Albis Amicorum, ubi vana veraque pari securitate tam scribi quam depingi solent, sed ex professo, et de suggestu, et cum privilegio et authoritate Superiorum. Verum Scioppius est qui surrexit. Et quid expectet me responsurum? Sane memini familiam meam cum Venetiis essem anathemate percussam in Paraenesi Baroniana.^[5] Memini tum etiam a Gomitulo Iesuita Perusino,^[6] et ab Antonio Possevino^[7] eiusdem farinae quaedam in me iacta; quae quanquam ab exulceratis animis effluerent utcunque tacitus ferebam, quippe hi erant viri non indignae existimationis saltem apud suos, et ipsorum authorum qualiscunque claritudo leniebat iniuriam. Sed cum famelicus transfuga et Romanae curiae lutulentus circulator scriptitat solum ut prandere possit; cum semicoctus grammaticaster, et nulla antehac solidiore disciplina tinctus, ecclesiastica tractat; cum vespillonis et castrensis scorti^[8] spuma irreverenter in regem debacchatur, cuius eximia in divinis humanisque sapientia et constans iusti tenor cuicunque vel privato venerationem conciliaret; cum homo Germanus exuta patria probitate et modestia nihil aliud per totum opus quam eversionem regum regnorumque spirat; cum denique idem os quod Iesuiticam societatem^[9] ‘parricidalem cohortem’ vocaverat, nunc postquam culinas Romae olere coepit, eandem ‘Praetoriam^[10] Castrorum Dei cohortem’ vocat, quis iniquae tam patiens urbis (quae istud animal pabulatur) tam ferreus ut teneat se?^[11] Igitur, semota omni festivitate, te serio, te ex animo (ornatissime Velsere) in hac epistola convenio: orans, obtestansque per commune humanitatis vinculum, per eiusdem Baptismi, eiusdem symboli conscientiam, ipse velis (pro authoritate qua te scio valere apud tuos) istos Scioppios compescere; ut eiectis e coetu Christiano similibus hominum propudiis, caussarumque sane vel optimarum dehonestamentis, sua bonis viris existimatio, sua principibus dignitas maneat: non vexentur nundinae prostitutis parasitorum calamis; non typi (nobile Germanorum inventum) adeo misere torqueantur; sequatur denique quantum infirmitas nostra ferat, ilia regnorum ecclesiarumque requies, quam nobis commendavit supremus pacis praeceptor simul et exemplum. Quod si impudentem illam dicacitatem (quam ab infami ortu μάλα ἀναλόγως traxit) non deponere poterit sine magno ventriculi incommodo; saltem dignus est certe cui curtetur esca ob execrandam argutiam, qua sibi videtur vel ipsis Tridentinis patribus oculatior. Illi Traditiones et Scripturam Sacram pari tantum pietatis affectu et reverentia suscipiendas^[12] primi omnium (quod ego sciam) decrevere. At iste novus ecclesiasticus non in Albo Amicorum, sed pulcherrimi syntagmatis sui^[13] p. 485, maiorem traditi quam scripti verbi Divini authoritatem blasphemo et pudendo ore pronunciat. Possem sexcentas id genus Scioppietates proferre, sed hoc esset ruspari sterquilinium. Vale igitur (vir nobilissime) atque iterum salve.

208. To Sir Arthur Throckmorton.

Reliq., 1st ed., p. 473, no date. Dated ‘Feb. 1613’ in 3rd ed., p. 278. Wotton invites Sir Arthur Throckmorton and his family to London for the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth.

Sir,

One reason of my writing now unto you, is because it seemeth a great while unto me since I did so. Another, to give you many thanks (which upon the casting up of my reckonings, I find I have not yet done) for that gelding wherewith you so much honoured me, which, in truth, either for goodness or beauty, runneth for one of the very best about this place; and I have had a great deal of love made unto me for him by no small ones. After this, I must plainly tell you, that I mean to persuade you, I am sorry I cannot say to invite you (for my mind would bear that word better than my fortune), to bestow yourself and your whole family upon us this Shrovetide, if it be but for three days, at the conjunction of the Thames and the Rhene,^[1] as our ravished spirits begin to call it. The occasion is rare, the expense of time but little, of money inconsiderable: you shall see divers princes, a great confluence of strangers, sundry entertainments to shorten your patience and to reward your travel; finally, nothing spared, even in a necessitous time. I will add unto these arguments, that out of your own store at home, you may much increase the beauty of this assembly; and your daughters shall not need to provide any great splendour of clothing, because they can supply that with a better contribution, as hath been well authenticated even by the King’s own testimony of them. For though I am no longer an ambassador, yet am I not so bankrupt of intelligence, but that I have heard of those rural passages.

Now let me, therefore, with this hobbling pen, again and again pray you to resolve upon your coming, if not with all the fair train, yet yourself and my Lady, and my nephew and his wife, or at the least of leasts, the masculine.

We begin to lay off our mourning habits, and the Court will shortly, I think, be as merry as if it were not sick. The King will be here to-morrow: the Friday following he goeth to Windsor, with the Count Palatine, about the ceremony of his instalment. In the meantime, there is expected the Count Henry of Nassaw^[2], to be at the said solemnity, as the representant of his brother. Yesternight the Count Palatine invited all the Council to a solemn supper, which was well ordered: he is a gentleman of very sweet hope, and hath rather gained upon us, than lost anything after the first impression. And so, sir, having ended my paper, I will end my letter with my hearty prayers for the prosperity of yourself and yours, ever resting,

209. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 153, undated. Dated ‘1612-13’ in Reliquiae, 3rd ed., p. 401 (for exact date see note 1). News of the Court and London.

Sir,

I must now acknowledge it true which our navigators tell us, that there be indeed certain variations of the compass: for I think there was never point of a needle better touched than you have touched me, having ever since I parted from you been looking towards you, and yet still by something or another, I am put out of my course. I will therefore hereafter not promise you any more to come unto you, but I will promise myself it; because, indeed, I have no other means to be at peace with myself: for I must lay this heavy note upon your conversation, that I am the unquieter for it a good while after.

This is the first part of what I meant to say. After which I would fain tell you, that I send this footman expressly unto you to redeem some part of my fault, for not answering your late kind letter by the messenger that brought it: but the truth is, I had some special occasion to send to Berry: and therefore I will set no more upon your account, than his steps from thence to Redgrave, where perhaps you now are. See what a real courtier I am, and whether I be likely to prosper. Well, howsoever, let me entertain you a little by this opportunity, with some of our discourses. The King departed yesterday^[1] from hence towards you; having as yet, notwithstanding much voice, and some wagering on the other side, determined nothing of the vacant places.^[2] Whereupon the Court is now divided into two opinions; the one, that all is reserved for the greater honour of the marriage; the other, that nothing will be done till a Parliament, or (to speak more precisely) till after a Parliament: which latter conceit, though it be spread without either author or ground, yet as many things else of no more validity, it hath gotten faith enough on a sudden. I will leave this to the judicial astrologers of the Court, and tell you a tale about a subject somewhat nearer my capacity.

On Sunday last at night, and no longer, some sixteen apprentices (of what sort you shall guess by the rest of the story) having secretly learnt a new play without book, intituled The Hog hath lost his Pearl,^[3] took up the White-Fryers for their theatre: and having invited thither (as it should seem) rather their mistresses than their masters; who were all to enter per bullettini for a note of distinction from ordinary comedians. Towards the end of the play the sheriffs (who by chance had heard of it) came in (as they say) and carried some six or seven of them to perform the last act at Bridewel; the rest are fled. Now it is strange to hear how sharp-witted the City is, for they will needs have Sir John Swinerton^[4], the Lord Mayor, be meant by the Hog, and the late Lord Treasurer by the Pearl. And now let me bid you good night, from my chamber in King Street, this Tuesday, at eleven of the night.

Francesco^[5] hath made a proof of that green which you sent me; against which he taketh this exception, that being tried upon glass (which he esteemeth the best of trials) it is not translucent; arguing (as he saith) too much density of the matter, and consequently, less quickness and spirit than in colours of more tenuity.

210. To Sir Dudley Carleton.

S. P. Dom. Jas. I, lxxii, no. 43, holograph. Wotton in retirement.

My very good Lord,

When this gentleman, your Secretary^[1], shall arrive there, you have then with you a living gazzetta of this Court; where he hath been retained so long that he can now bring your Lordship an accompt both of our griefs and our jollities^[2]; which, indeed, have so contempered each other, that we have been extreme in neither. For myself, if he chance to speak of me (as in the catalogue of your affectionate, though unprofitable, friends I may justly claim a room), then I hope he will tell your Lordship that I am here in Westminster with a few books about me, more attending the study of truth than of humour, contented, I thank God, with mine own poor thoughts, and vicinae nescius urbis^[3]; unto which course, if nature had not inclined me, I think fortune would have done it, having lost this fatal year two great patrons.^[4] But let me cease these lamentations; for though there be no place so proper to discharge them into as the bosom of a virtuous friend, yet I am loath to appear unto your Lordship so vain as to remember mine own particular in the midst of such public losses. Quid superest? In truth, my Lord, only this, that we learn hereafter to plant ourselves better than upon the grace or breath of men. And so giving your Lordship many thanks, and ever resting much beholden unto you for the care it pleased you to take about those pictures, which I have received by your means in very good condition, I commit you and your whole family to God’s continual blessing.

To my good Lady your Wife.

Good Madame, Receive in this little room my hearty remembrance of your kindnesses, and my continuing desire to serve you.

211. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 114; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 403. ‘Cambridge, Sunday, at night,’ for date see note 2 on p. 16. News from Venice of war between the Turks and the Emperor.

Sir,

To divert you from thinking on my faults, I will entertain you with some news out of a letter which I have here received from Venice, of much consequence divers ways.

The Bishop of Bamberge^[1], a practical Almayn prelate (of which kind there be enough of that coat, though not in that country), was treating in Rome a league against the Protestant princes of Germany, with whom his Majesty (you know) was first by articles, and is now by alliance more nearly confederate:^[2] his commission he had from the Emperor, sotto parole tacite as they call it. Now, while this matter was there moulding, a Chiaus arrives at the Emperor’s Court, with a letter from the Turk, importing a denunciation of war, grounded upon a heap of complaints easily found out between princes that do not intend to agree. And accordingly the Turk is departed in person from Constantinople into Hungarie, with great forces (as my friend writeth), on a morning quando nevicava a furia (by which appeareth the sharpness of the humour), having made a levy before his going of 5,000 youths out of the Seragli; a thing never seen before. He hath left behind him Nasuf Bassa as president of his affairs, who told the Baiolo of Venice^[3], there resident, that his master was but gone to hunt, and seemeth to have held the same language with the other ambassadors: whether out of mere wantonness of conceit, or as esteeming a war with Christians but a sport, in respect of that which he had newly concluded with the Persian, I know not. Howsoever, this is likely to quash the Bishop’s business, and I fear it will fall heavy upon Germany; which, first in itself was never more disunited, and besides, the Emperor in small goodwill with those that should help him. It will likewise in my conjecture hasten the departure of the Count Palatine, or at least (if it so please him) it may well serve his turn for that purpose.

This is all that I have for your entertainment. To-morrow morning I depart hence towards London^[4], whence I determine to write by every carrier to you, till I bring myself.

In your last, you mentioned a certain courtier that seemeth to have spoken somewhat harshly of me. I have a guess at the man; and though for him to speak of such as I am, in any kind whatsoever, was a favour, yet I wonder how I am fallen out of his estimation, for it is not long since he offered me a fair match within his own tribe, and much addition to her fortune out of his private bounty. When we meet, all the world to nothing we shall laugh; and in truth, sir, this world is worthy of nothing else. In the meantime, and ever, our sweet Saviour keep us in his love.

212. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 5; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 405. The Accession Day festivities; Court and foreign news.

Sir,

I returned from Cambridge to London some two hours after the King. The next day was celebrated with twenty tilters, wherein there entered four fraternities: the Earls Pembrock^[1] and Mongommery^[2]; my Lord Walden^[3], Thomas^[4] and Henry Hawards^[5]; the two Riches^[6], and the two Alexanders^[7] as they are called (though falsely, like many things else in Court). The rest were Lenox^[8], Arundel^[9], Rutland^[10], Dorcet^[11], Shandowes^[12], North^[13], Hey^[14], Dingwel^[15], Clifford^[16], Sir Thomas Sommerset^[17], Sir John Harrington^[18]. The day fell out wet to the disgrace of many fine plumes. Some caparisons seen before adventured to appear again on the stage with a little disguisement, even on the back of one of the most curious. So frugal are the times, or so indigent. The two Riches only made a speech to the King; the rest were contented with bare imprese, whereof some were so dark, that their meaning is not yet understood, unless perchance that were their meaning, not to be understood. The two best, to my fancy, were those of the two Earls brothers: the first a small exceeding white pearl, and the words, Solo candore valeo. The other a sun casting a glance on the side of a pillar, and the beams reflecting, with this motto, Splendente refulget. In which devices there seemed an agreement; the elder brother, to allude to his own nature, and the younger to his fortune. The day was signalized with no extraordinary accident, save only between Sir Thomas Haward and Sir Thomas Sommerset, who with a counter-buff had almost set himself out of the saddle, and made the other’s horse sink under him; but they both came fairly off without any further disgrace. Of the merits of the rest I will say nothing, my pen being very unfit to speak of lances.

To this solemnity, of the public ambassadors, only the Archdukes’ was invited, for the healing of the distaste he had taken for the preference of the Venetian at the marriage.^[19] But I doubt the plaster be too narrow for the sore; which he seemed not much discontented that men should note in his whole countenance that day. Towards the evening a challenge passed between Archy^[20] and a famous knight, called Sir Thomas Parsons, the one a fool by election, and the other by necessity, which was accordingly performed some two or three days after at tilt, tourney, and on foot, both completely armed, and solemnly brought in before their Majesties, and almost as many other meaner eyes as were at the former; which bred much sport for the present, and afterwards, upon cooler consideration, much censure and discourse, as the manner is.

The departure of the Count Palatine and my Lady Elizabeth is put off from the Thursday in the Easter-week till the Tuesday following, which day I think will hold. The commissioners that accompany her have the titles of ambassadors, to give them precedency before Sir Ralph Winwood at the Hague, and likewise in any encounters with Almaigne princes. Sir Edward Cecil^[21] goeth as treasurer, to keep up that office in the name; though it be otherwise perhaps from a general, rather a fall than an ascent. Before this journey there is a conceit that the Duke of Lenox will be naturalized a peer of our Parliament, and my Lord of Rochester be created Earl of Devonshire. The foreign matter is little increased since my last unto you from Cambridge. The Savoy ambassador not yet arrived. The Turks’ designs hitherto unknown, and marching slowly, according to the nature of huge armies^[22], in which suspense the Venetians have augmented their guard in the Gulf; enough to confirm unto the world that states must be conserved, even with ridiculous fears. This is all that the week yieldeth. My Lord and Lady have received those letters and loving salutations which my footman brought. And so with mine own hearty prayers to God for you, and for that most good niece, I commit you both to His blessing and love.

I pray, Sir, remember me very particularly to my cousin Nicholas^[23], your worthy brother; for whose health our good God be thanked.

Sir James Cromer^[24] is this week dead of an apostem in his stomach, and in him the name; unless his Lady (as she seemeth to have intention) shall revive it with matching one of her four daughters with a Cromer of obscure fortune, which they say is latent in your shire.

213. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 160; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 408. Arrest of Sir Thomas Overbury.

Sir,

The last week, by reason of my being in Kent, was a week of silence; and this I think will appear unto you a week of wonder.

The Court was full of discourse and expectation that the King, being now disencumbered of the care of his daughter, would towards this Feast of St. George fill up either all, or some at least of those places that had lain vacant so long, and had been in this time of their emptiness a subject of notorious opposition between our great Viscount^[1] and the house of Suffolk. Thus, I say, ran the opinion; when yesterday, about six of the clock at evening, Sir Thomas Overbury was from the council chamber conveyed by a clerk of the Council and two of the guard to the Tower, and there by warrant consigned to the lieutenant as close prisoner; which both by the suddenness, like a stroke of thunder, and more by the quality and relation of the person, breeding in the beholders (whereof by chance I was one) very much amazement, and being likely in some proportion to breed the like in the hearers, I will adventure, for the satisfying of your thoughts about it, to set down the forerunning and leading causes of this accident, as far as in so short a time I have been able to wade in so deep a water. It is conceived that the King hath a good while been much distasted with the said gentleman, even in his own nature, for too stiff a carriage of his fortune; besides that scandalous offence of the Queen at Greenwich,^[2] which was never but a palliated cure. Upon which considerations, his Majesty resolving to sever him from my Lord of Rochester, and to do it not disgracefully or violently, but in some honourable fashion, he commanded not long since the Archbishop, by way of familiar discourse, to propound unto him the ambassage of France, or of the Archdukes’ Court; whereof the one was shortly to be changed, and the other at the present vacant. In which proposition it seemeth, though shadowed under the Archbishop’s goodwill, that the King was also contented some little light should be given him of his Majesty’s inclination unto it, grounded upon his merit. At this the fish did not bite; whereupon the King took a rounder way, commanding my Lord Chancellor^[3] and the Earl of Pembrock to propound jointly the same unto him (which the Archbishop had before moved) as immediately from the King; and to sweeten it the more, he had (as I hear) an offer made him of assurance, before his going, of the place of Treasurer of the Chamber, which he expecteth after the death of the Lord Stanhop^[4]; whom belike the King would have drawn to some reasonable composition. Notwithstanding all which motives and impulsives, Sir Thomas Overbury refused to be sent abroad, with such terms as were by the Council interpreted pregnant of contempt in a case where the King had opened his will; which refusal of his I should, for my part, esteem an eternal disgrace to our occupation, if withal I did not consider how hard it is to pull one from the bosom of a favourite. Thus you see the point upon which one hath been committed, standing in the second degree of power in the Court, and conceiving (as himself told me but two hours before) never better than at that present of his own fortunes and ends. Now in this whole matter there is one main and principal doubt, which doth travail all understandings; that is, whether this were done without the participation of my Lord of Rochester? A point necessarily enfolding two different consequences; for if it were done without his knowledge, we must expect of himself either a decadence or a ruin; if not, we must then expect a reparation by some other great public satisfaction, whereof the world may take as much notice. These clouds a few days will clear; in the meanwhile I dare pronounce of Sir Thomas Overbury, that he shall return no more to this stage, unless Courts be governed every year by a new philosophy; for our old principles will not bear it.

I have showed my Lord and Lady sister your letter of the 18th of April, who return unto you their affectionate remembrances, and I many thanks for it. The King hath altered his journey to Thetford, and determineth to entertain himself till the progress nearer London. The Queen beginneth her journey upon Saturday towards Bathe. Neither the Marquess di Villa^[5] (who cometh from Savoy) nor Don Pedro di Sarmiento^[6] (who shall reside here in the room of the present Spanish ambassador^[7]) are yet either arrived, or near our coast, though both on the way. So as I can yet but cast towards you a longing, and in truth an envious look, from this place of such servility in the getting, and such uncertainty in the holding of fortunes, where methinks we are all overclouded with that sleep of Jacob, when he saw some ascending, and some descending, but that those were angels, and these are men; for in both, what is it but a dream? And so, Sir, wishing this paper in your hands, to whom I dare communicate the freest of my thoughts, I commit you to God’s continual love and blessings.

I pray, Sir, let me in some corner of every letter tell my sweet niece that I love her extremely, as God judge me.

214. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Add. MS. 34727, f. 23, holograph; printed Letters to B., p. 10; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 411. Court news; Overbury in prison; departure of the Elector and Electress Palatine.

Sir,

I have newly received your last of the 25th of April, and acquainted my Lord with the postscript thereof touching your father’s sickness, of which he had heard somewhat before by Sir R. Drurie^[1], who at the same time told him the like of my Lady, your mother. But we hope now that the one was never true, and that the other (which you confirm) will be light and sufferable, even at heavy years.

The long-expected ambassador from Savoy arrived yesternight at Dover; so as now I begin by the virtue of a greedy desire to anticipate beforehand, and to devour already, some part of that contentment which I shall shortly more really enjoy in your sight and conversation.

Sir Thomas Overbury is still in the Tower, and the King hath since his imprisonment been twice here, and is twice departed, without any alteration in that matter, or in other greater.

My Lord of Rochester, partly by some relapse into his late infirmity, and partly (as it is interpreted) through the grief of his mind, is also this second time not gone with the King. Some argue upon it, that disassiduity in a favourite is a degree of declination; but of this there is no appearance, only I have set it down to show you the hasty logic of courtiers.

The Queen is on her journey towards Bathe.

My Lady Elizabeth and the Count Palatine, having lain long in our poor province of Kent languishing for a wind (which, she sees, though it be but a vapour, princes cannot command), at length, on Sunday last towards evening, did put to sea, some eight days after a book had been printed and published in London of her entertainment at Heidelberge^[2]; so nimble an age it is. And because I cannot end in a better jest, I will bid you farewell for this week, committing you and that most beloved niece to God’s dearest blessings.

215. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 125; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 411. News from London; various imprisonments.

Sir,

Your friend, Sir Robert Killegrew, hath been committed to the Fleet, for conferring with a close prisoner^[1] in a strange language; which were (as I hear) the two circumstances that did aggravate his error.

Of his case whose love drew him into it, I can yet make no judgement; the humour seemeth to be sharp, and there is wisdom enough in those that have the handling of the patient to manage the matter, so that at length his banishment from the Court may be granted as a point of grace. The nature of his alteration was (as you rightly judge it) in the first access somewhat apoplectical, but yet mingled in my opinion with divers properties of a lethargy; whereof we shall discourse more particularly when we meet; which I now long for, besides other respects, that we may lay aside these metaphors.

This very morning shall be heard at the Star Chamber the case of Sir Peter Buck^[2], an inhabitant at Rochester, an officer (as I take it) of the navy, who hath lain some good while in prison, for having written to a friend of his at Dover a letter containing this news, ‘that some of the Lords had kneeled down to the King for a toleration in religion;’ besides some particular aspersion in the said letter of my Lord Privy Seal^[3], whom likewise of late a preacher or two have disquieted; whereby he hath been moved, besides his own nature and (as some think also) besides his wisdom, to call these things into public discourse, quae spreta exolescunt^[4], if ancient grave sentences do not deceive us.

My Lady of Shrewsbury, my Lord Gray, and the Lady Arabella,^[5] remain still close prisoners since their last restraint, which I signified unto you in a little ticket. Sir William Wade^[6] was yesternight put from the lieutenancy of the Tower.

I set down these accidents barely, as you see, without their causes, which in truth is a double fault, writing both to a friend and to a philosopher; but my lodging is so near the Star Chamber that my pens shake in my hand. I hope therefore the ambassador of Savoy (who hath already had two audiences) will quickly be gone, that I may fly to you and ease my heart. By the next carrier I shall tell you all his business. In the meanwhile, and ever, our dear Saviour bless you.

This Friday morning, May 7, in such haste, that I must leave my dear niece unanswered, till I can better assemble my spirits and call the aid of the Muses.

216. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 13: Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 412. Killigrew released; news of the Court.

Sir,

Your kinsman and friend, Sir Robert Killegrew, was in the Fleet from Wednesday of the last week till the Sunday following, and no longer; which I reckon but an ephemeral fit, in respect of his infirmity who was the cause of it; which to my judgement doth every day appear more and more hectical.^[1] Yesterday his father petitioned the King (as he came from the chapel) that his son might have a physician and a servant allowed him, as being much damaged in his health by close imprisonment; which for my part I believe, for the diseases of fortune have a kind of transfusion into the body, and strong working spirits, wanting their usual objects, revert upon themselves, because the nature of the mind being ever in motion must either do or suffer.

I take pleasure (speaking to a philosopher) to reduce (as near as I can) the irregularities of Court to constant principles. Now to return to the matter, the King hath granted the physician, but denied the servant; by which you may guess at the issue. For when graces are managed so narrowly by a King, otherwise of so gracious nature, it doth in my opinion very clearly demonstrate the asperity of the offence. Sir Gervis Elvis (before one of the pensioners) is now sworn lieutenant of the Tower, by the mediation of the house of Suffolk, notwithstanding that my Lord of Rochester was the commender of Sir John Keyes^[2] to that charge; which the said Keyes had for a good while (and this maketh the case the more strange) always supplied even by patent, in the absence of Sir William Wade. Upon which circumstances (though they seem to bend another way) the logicians of the Court do make this conclusion, that his Majesty, satisfying the Suffolcians with petty things, intendeth to repair the Viscount Rochester in the main and gross. And therefore all men contemplate Sir Henry Nevil^[3] for the future secretary, some saying that it is but deferred till the return of the Queen, that she may be allowed a hand in his introduction, which likewise will quiet the voices on the other side; though surely that point be little necessary, for yet did I never in the country, and much less in the Court, see anything done of this kind that was not afterwards approved by those that had most opposed it. Such vicissitudes there are here below, as well as of the rest, even of judgement and affection. I would say more, but I am suddenly surprised by the secretary of the Savoy ambassador,^[4] who I think will depart about the end of the Whitsun holidays, for which I languish. With his business I can acquaint you nothing till the next week, by reason of this surprisal; and, besides, it hath disturbed my muses so, I must remain still in debt to my sweet niece for that poetical postscript that dropped out of her pen. I do weekly receive your letters, which in truth are more comfort than I could hope to purchase by mine; so as whereas before I had determined to continue this my troubling of you but till I should see you next, I have now made a resolution to plant a staple^[5], and whensoever we shall be separated, to venture my whole poor stock in traffic with you, finding the return so gainful unto me. And so committing you to God’s dearest blessings, I ever rest,

217. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 17; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 415. The Savoy ambassador; the outbreak of war between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua.

Sir,

I have not yet presented to my Lord that box which came with your letter of this week, for he removed on Wednesday with the King and household to Greenwich, and I still remain here to show you that the Court doth, like a loadstone, draw only those that are intra orbem virtutis suae: I mean, within the compass and circle of profit.

The Savoy ambassador seemeth in his second audience to have discharged all his commission; or otherwise he wanteth authority to proceed further than to a general overture, till the arrival of the Cavalier Battista Gabaleoni, who is hourly expected, and is here to remain as resident for the said Duke.

With him likewise come certain other gentlemen of title, who should from the beginning have dignified the ambassador’s train; but the cause of this straggling was a sudden attempt which the Duke, immediately after the ambassador’s departure (who appointed those gentlemen to follow him), made upon the Marquisate of Monferrato, where he surprised three towns with the petard; the first time (as one writeth from Venice) that ever that pestilent invention had been put in practice beyond the Alps.

The cause of this attempt was, for that the Cardinal Gonzaga (now Duke of Mantua^[1]) had yielded to send home the Dowager Infanta^[2] to the Duke of Savoy her father, but would retain her only child, a daughter of two years, in whose right the said Duke of Savoy pretendeth colourably enough to the foresaid whole marquisate, and clearly to all the movables left by the late Duke of Mantua her father, who died intestate. Into which point of law there entered besides some jealousy of state, being unfit for respects that would have fallen easily into the apprehension of duller princes than the Italian, to leave a child out of the custody of her mother in his, that was to gain by the death of it. Yet am I of opinion, who have a little contemplated the Duke of Savoy’s complexion, that nothing moved him more in this business than the threatenings of the French Queen, who had before commanded Didiguires^[3] to fall into the said Duke’s estates by way of diversion, if he should meddle with the least village in the Monferrato; which feminine menacement did no doubt incite him to do it out of the impatience of scorn; and withal, he built silently upon a ground, which could not well fail him, that the King of Spain would never suffer the French soldiers to taste any more of the grapes and melons of Lombardie, because l’appétit vient en mangeant^[4], which the issue of the businesses hath proved true; for the Governor of Milan^[5], having raised a tumultuary army of horse and foot, did with it only keep things in stay from further progress on both sides, till the agreement was made between the Duke of Mantua himself in person and the Prince of Piedmont, within the town of Milan. The accord is advertised the King from Venice and Paris. The conditions will be better known at the arrival of Gabaleoni; and then likewise we shall see the bottom of this errand, which hath been hitherto nothing but a general proposition of a match between the same lady that was formerly offered^[6], and our Prince now living: which the ambassador hath touched so tenderly, as if he meant^[7] to manage his master’s credit. Upon the whole matter, I cannot conceive (though he seemeth to let fall some phrases of haste) that he will be gone yet this fortnight or three weeks, till when I languish. And so let me end all my letters, ever resting,

218. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 72, wrongly dated at the end ‘This 18 of April, 1633’; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 417. An accident to Albertus Morton; the arrest of Sir Robert Mansell.

Sir,

I do as unwillingly put my pen to tell you, as I am sure you will be to hear, what hath befallen my nephew Albertus^[1] this week. He was going on Friday last towards evening in a coach alone, whose driver alighting (I know not upon what occasion) hard by Charing Cross, the horses (being young) took some affrightment, and running away so furiously, that one of them tore all his belly open upon the corner of a beer cart; my nephew (who in this meanwhile adventured to leap out) seemeth to have hung on one of the pins of the boot, from whence struggling to get loose, he broke the waist-band of his hose behind, and so fell with the greater violence on the ground, hurting only the hindermost part of his head, by what possibility we cannot conceive, unless the motion of the coach did turn him round in the fall. The force of the concussion took from him for some hour or thereabouts, the use of his voice and sense, which are now well restored; only there yet remaineth in his left arm a kind of paralytical stupefaction, and his right eyelid is all black with some knock that he took in the agitation of the coach, which peradventure may have been the motive to make him leap out. But these external evils do not so much trouble us as an inward pungent and pulsatory ache within the skull, somewhat lower than the place of his hurt; which hath continued more or less since his fall, notwithstanding twice letting blood, and some nights of good rest, and shaving of his head for the better transpiration; which we doubt the more because it cometh sine ratione, his hurt being only in the fleshy part, and very slight, without fracture of the skull, without inflammation, without any fever, and all the principal faculties, as memory, discourse, imagination, untainted. The King hath in this time much consolated us both with sending unto him, and with expressing publicly a gracious feeling of his case; but we must fetch our true comforts from Him, who is Lord of the whole; and so I leave it.

Since my last unto you I am sure you hear how Sir Robert Mansfield^[2] hath been twice or thrice convented^[3] before the Lords, and committed to the Marshalsie; partly for having consulted with Mr. Whitlock, the lawyer, about the validity of a commission drawn for a research into the office of the Admiralty, whereof himself is an accomptant; and partly for denying to reveal the name of the said lawyer, his friend, who before had been committed to the Fleet for another case much of the same nature. The point touched a limb of the King’s prerogative and immediate authority. Sir Robert Mansfield’s answers (by report) had as much of the philosopher or of the hermit, as of the soldier or courtier; professing openly his little care of this world, or of his own fortunes in it, and divers other phrases of that complexion. Sir Thomas Overbury is still where he was, and as he was, without any alteration, the Viscount Rochester yet no way sinking in the point of favour; which are two strange consistents.

Sir R. Drury runneth at the ring, corbeteth^[4] his horse before the King’s window, haunteth my Lord of Rochester’s chamber, even when himself is not there, and in secret divideth his observances between him and the house of Suffolk: and all this (they say) to be ambassador at Bruxels. So as super tota materia, I see appetites are not all of a kind; some go to the Tower for the avoiding of that which another doth languish to obtain.^[5] I will end with my paper, and by the next carrier either tell you precisely when I shall see you, or prevent the telling of it. And so our sweet Saviour bless you and my dear niece.

219. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 157; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 419, undated; written apparently a week after the above letter of May 27, certainly before June 13, when Mansell was released. News from London; Irish affairs, &c.

Sir,

By the next carrier (for yet I must say so again) you shall hear when this ambassador will be gone. The meanwhile let me entertain you with the enclosed paper, which the Duke of Savoy hath published in his own defence, joining together the sword and reason.^[1]

Sir Robert Mansfeld is still in restraint. Sir Thomas Overbury not only out of liberty (as he was) but almost now out of discourse.

We have lately started at a dispatch from Ireland, importing a variance there about the choice of a Speaker in the summoned Parliament,^[2] which came to so sharp a point, that the Deputy was fain to fetch wisdom from hence. Sure it is that the humours of that kingdom are very hovering, and much awaked with an apprehension taken that we mean to fetter them with laws of their own making; which in truth were an ingenious strain of state. My Lord and Lady are stolen down into Kent for a few days to take in some fresh air. They go not this next progress, if my brother can get leave of the King to see his grandchildren, where he intends to spend some fortnight, and the rest of the time between Boughton and Canterbury.

A match treated and managed to a fair probability between my Lord Cook’s^[3] heir and the second daughter of Sir Arthur Throckmorton is suddenly broken; the said Lord Cook having underhand entertained discourse about the daughter of the late Sir Thomas Bartlet^[4], who in defect of her brother shall be heir of that name.

I have nothing more to say; and therefore God keep you and my sweet niece in His continual love.

Albertus (God be thanked) groweth better and better, and in the midst of his own pains hath remembered those in Suffolk, whom we both so much honour.

220. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Add. MS. 34727, f. 25, in part; the whole letter printed Letters to B., p. 21; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 421. The trial of Whitelocke and Mansell; journey of the Electress.

Sir,

In my last I told you that the ambassador of Savoy was to meet the Queen at Windsor; which pains she hath spared him by her own coming yesternight to Greenwich, where I think she will settle herself a day or two before she admit him. Now, seeing the time of the Commencement at Cambridge so near as it is, and being able to determine of this ambassador’s departure within that space, I have resolved to take those philosophical exercises in my way to you; hoping in the meantime to see Albertus admitted by oath to a clerkship of the Council, or at least to the next vacancy, for he is now strong enough again to swear.^[1]

Sir Robert Mansfield and Mr. Whitlock were on Saturday last called to a very honourable hearing in the Queen’s Presence Chamber at Whitehall, before the Lords of the Council, with intervention of my Lord Cook, the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer^[2], and Master of the Rolls^[3]; the Lord Chief Justice^[4] being kept at home with some infirmity. There the attorney and solicitor first undertook Mr. Whitlock, and the recorder (as the King’s sergeant) Sir Robert Mansfield; charging the one as a counsellor, the other as a questioner, in matters of the King’s prerogative and sovereignty, upon occasion of a commission intended for a research into the administration of the Admiralty: against which the said Sir Robert Mansfeld (being himself so principal an officer therein) had sought some provision of advice; and this was the sum of the charge, which was diversely amplified. Whitlock, in his answer, spake more confusedly than was expected from a lawyer, and the knight more temperately than was expected from a soldier. There was likewise some difference noted, not only in the manner, but in the substance between them; for Whitlock ended his speech with an absolute confession of his own offence, and with a promise of employing himself hereafter in defence of the King’s prerogative. Sir Robert Mansfeld, on the other side, laboured to distinguish between the error of his acts, and the integrity of his zeal and affection towards the King his master; protesting he should hold it the greatest glory under heaven to die at his feet, and that no man living should go before him, if there were occasion to advance his dominions, with some other such martial strains, which became him well. The conclusion of his speech had somewhat of the courtier, beseeching the Lords, if the restraint he had endured were not in their judgement a sufficient punishment of his error, that then they would continue it as long as it should please them, and add unto it any other affliction of pain or shame whatsoever, provided that afterwards he might be restored again unto his Majesty’s favour, and their good opinions. To tell you what they all severally said that day, were to rob from the liberty of our discourse when we shall meet. In this they generally agreed, both counsellors and judges, to represent the humiliation^[5] of both the prisoners unto the King in lieu of innocency, and to intercede for his gracious pardon, which was done; and accordingly the next day^[6] they were enlarged upon a submission under writing. This is the end of that business, at which were present as many as the room could contain, and men of the best quality, whom the King was desirous to satisfy not only about the point in hand, but in some other things that were occasionally awaked; which I likewise reserve to our private freedom.

The King’s officers are returned from my Lady Elizabeth, whom they left at Goltzheime the last of May, where his Majesty’s expense did cease. This place was chosen for her consignment instead of Bacherach, suspected of contagion. She was at Andernach feasted by the Elector of Cullen^[7]; at Confluence, or Cobolentz (as they call it), by the other of Trier^[8]; and at Mentz by the third of those ecclesiastic potentates^[9], very royally and kindly, and (which was less expected) very handsomely. The Count Maurice and his brother, with troops of horse and a guard of foot, accompanied her to Cullen, and entered themselves into that city with her (I need not tell you that though themselves were within, the horse and most of the foot were without the walls); which is here (by the wiser sort of interpreters) thought as hazardous an act as either of them both had done in the heat of war, and indeed no way justifiable in foro sapientiae. And therefore such adventurers as these must appeal ad forum Providentiae, where we are all covered by His vigilant mercy and love, to which I commit you and my sweet niece in my hearty prayers.

Sir, I send you a sprig of some flowers, which I have newly received out of Piedmont, in winter and summer the same; and therein an excellent type of a friend.

I am bold likewise to keep myself in the memory of my niece, till I see her, with a poor pair of gloves of the newest fashion.

221. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 27; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 424. Departure of the Savoy ambassador; Wotton’s projected journey to Cambridge and Redgrave.

Sir,

I told you in my last that I would take the Commencement at Cambridge in my way towards you, where I shall be, God willing, to-morrow sevennight. This I now repeat, to save the telling of it again by the next carrier, foreseeing that I shall then be impatient of so much delay as a line of mine own effusion, which even now doth torture me, while I contemplate some of those green banks (that you mention), where when I have you by me (to express my contentment in the Italian phrase) non scriverò al Papa fratello. The ambassador of Savoy departed yesterday^[1], making much haste homewards, or at least much show of it, where he is likely to come timely enough to the warming of his hands at that fire which his master hath kindled; whose nature in truth doth participate much of the flint as well as his State. But is not all this out of my way? Sir, believe it, my spirits do boil, and I can hold my pen no longer than till I have wished all God’s blessings to be with you, and with that best niece of the world.

Albertus was yesterday with me at the Court. And though there be great disproportion in the space, yet I dare conclude that as much strength as did carry him to Greenwich will bear him to Redgrave.

222. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 29; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 425. The burning of the Globe Theatre.

Sir,

Whereas I wrote unto you, that I would be at Cambridge as on Saturday next, I am now cast off again till the King’s return to London, which will be about the middle of the week following. The delay grows from a desire of seeing Albertus his business settled before we come unto you, where we mean to forget all the world besides. Of this we shall bring you the account.

Now, to let matters of state sleep, I will entertain you at the present with what hath happened this week at the Bank’s side. The King’s players had a new play, called All is true, representing some principal pieces of the reign of Henry VIII, which was set forth with many extraordinary circumstances of pomp and majesty, even to the matting of the stage; the Knights of the Order with their Georges and garters, the Guards with their embroidered coats, and the like: sufficient in truth within a while to make greatness very familiar, if not ridiculous. Now, King Henry making a masque at the Cardinal Wolsey’s house, and certain chambers^[1] being shot off at his entry, some of the paper, or other stuff, wherewith one of them was stopped, did light on the thatch, where being thought at first but an idle smoke, and their eyes more attentive to the show, it kindled inwardly, and ran round like a train, consuming within less than an hour the whole house to the very grounds.^[2]

This was the fatal period of that virtuous fabric, wherein yet nothing did perish but wood and straw, and a few forsaken cloaks; only one man had his breeches set on fire, that would perhaps have broiled him, if he had not by the benefit of a provident wit put it out with bottle ale. The rest when we meet; till when, I protest every minute is the siege of Troy. God’s dear blessings till then and ever be with you.

I have this week received your last of the 27th of June, wherein I see my steps lovingly calculated, and in truth too much expectation of so unworthy a guest.

223. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 135, no date; dated in Reliquiae, 3rd ed., p. 427. Rochester created Earl of Somerset, &c.

Now I begin; but why not before? That question shall be answered by the next carrier, or by a special messenger the next week, at which time you shall have an account of all that hath passed, and some prognostication also upon the future; for my pen is grown bold and eager with rest, as dogs that are tied up.

At the present all my care is to let you know that I have received your last, with the enclosed; which although I well understand myself, yet I have not had time since the deciphering to acquaint the party with it, which shall be done as soon as I have sealed this, and sent it to the carrier’s.

I thought now to have said no more; but lest it lose the grace of freshness, I pray let me tell you, that yesterday morning the Viscount Rochester was very solemnly in the banqueting-hall, in the sight of many great ones and small ones, created Earl of Somerset; and in the afternoon, for a farther honouring and signalizing of the day, my Lord Cook (brought in by the said Earl) was sworn a Privy Councillor, to counterpoise the difference of the profit between the Common Pleas and the King’s Bench.^[1]

I will turn over the leaf though I die for it, to remember the heartiest love of my soul to that good niece, to that sweet niece, to whom I have much to say by the next opportunity. Our dear Saviour keep you both in His continual love.

Touching the project of our house, believe it, sir, I boil in it, and am ready to begin again, that I may tell you how busy I have been in the matter; but let this also be put over till the following week, which is likely to fall heavy upon you.

Written on the day of our great preservation, for which our God be ever glorified.

224. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 109; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 428. dated ‘Tuesday, the 16th of November’. Tuesday fell on Nov. 16 in 1613, and it is otherwise plain from the context that the letter was written in that year. Wotton writes to Bacon of some family business he had been negotiating with his brother and Bacon’s father-in-law, Lord Wotton; also of his own employment at Court.

Sir,

An express messenger will ease us both of the trouble of a cipher, but I was in pain whether I should send another, or be that messenger myself, being now as near you as Royston,^[1] and scant able to obtain pardon of mine own severity for not passing farther; yet this may be said for me, that the present occasion required little noise; and besides, I am newly engaged into some business, whereof I will give you a particular account, when I shall first have discharged that part which belongeth to yourself.

My Lord my brother, having been acquainted with the matter enclosed in your last to me, dispatched the very next day Mr. Pen down to Boughton, for such writings as had passed at your marriage; which having consulted with his lawyers, he found those things to stand in several natures, according to the annexed schedule.

For the point of your coming up, he referreth that to your own heart, and I have only charge from him to tell you, that without any such occasion as this, which seemeth to imply your affectionate respect of his daughter, your own person and conversation shall be ever most welcome and dear unto him.

As for my Lady, through whose knowledge, and myself, through whose hands, you have passed this point of confidence, if you could behold us, and compare us with my Lord, you should see, though no difference in the reality, yet some in the fashion. For to him you must allow the sober forms of his age and place, but we on the other side are mad with gladness at the hope we have now taken by this occasion of enjoying both you and my niece this winter at London; and we are contented to profess it as profusely as it is possible for a better pen to set it down. Nay, for my part (who in this case am^[2] somewhat single), I flatter myself yet farther, that the term (whereof not much now remaineth) will accelerate your coming; which if you resolve, I pray then let me only by this bearer know it, that I may provide you some fit lodgings at a good distance from White-Hall, for the preservation of blessed liberty, and avoidance of the cumber of kindness, which in troth (as we have privately discoursed) is no small one. Now touching myself.

It may please you, Sir, to understand that the King, when he was left at Hampton, called me to him, and there acquainted me with a general purpose that he had to put me again into some use. Since which time, the French ambassador^[3] (and very lately) having at an audience of good length besought his Majesty (I know not whether voluntarily, or set on by some of our own) to disencumber himself of frequent accesses, by the choice of some confident servant, to whom the said ambassador might address himself, in such occurrences as did not require the King’s immediate ear, it pleased him to nominate me for that charge, with more gracious commendation than it can beseem me to repeat, though I write to a friend in whose breast I dare depose even my vanities. But lest you should mistake, as some others have been apt to do here, in the present constitution of the Court (which is very umbrageous) the King’s end in this application of me, I must tell you, that it is only for the better preparing of my insufficiency and weakness for the succeeding of Sir Thomas Edmunds in France; towards which his Majesty hath thought meet first to endue me with some knowledge of the French businesses, which are in motu. And I think my going thither will be about Easter.^[4]

Thus you see, Sir, both my next remove, and the exercise of my thoughts till then; wherewith there is joined this comfort, besides the redemption from expense and debt at home (which are the gulfs that would swallow me), that his Majesty hath promised to do something for me before I go.

I should now, according to the promise of my last, tell you many things wherewith my pen is swollen; but I will beg leave to defer them till the next opportunity after my coming to London, and they shall all give place now to this one question, whether there be anything in this intended journey that you will command? Which having said, I will end; ever resting

225. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 32; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 431. The ‘Undertakers’ ’ or ‘Addled’ Parliament of 1614.

Sir,

It is both morally and naturally true, that I have never been in perfect health and cheerfulness since we parted; but I have entertained my mind, when my body would give me leave, with the contemplation of the strangest thing that ever I beheld, commonly called in our language (as I take it) a Parliament^[1], which hath produced nothing but inexplicable riddles, in the place of laws. For first, it is aborted before it was born, and nullified after it had a being; insomuch as the Count Palatine (whose naturalization was the only thing that passed in both Houses) is now again an alien. And whereas all other Parliaments have had some one eminent quality that hath created a denomination; some being called in our records mad Parliaments, some merciless, and the like, this, I think, from two properties almost insociable^[2] or seldom meeting, may be termed the Parliament of greatest diligence, and of least resolution that ever was, or ever will be. For our committees were as well attended commonly, as full houses ⟨as⟩ in former sessions, and yet we did nothing, neither in the forenoon nor after; whereof I can yield you no reason but this one, that our diversions were more than our main purposes; and some of so sensible nature, as took up all our reason, and all our passion, in the pursuit of them. Now, Sir, what hath followed since the dissolution of this civil body, let me rather tell you, than lead you back into any particularities of that which is passed.

It pleased his Majesty, the very next morning, to call to examination before the Lords of his Council, divers members of the House of Commons, for some speeches better becoming a Senate of Venice, where the treaters are perpetual princes, than where those that speak so irreverently are so soon to return (which they should remember) to the natural capacity of subjects. Of these examinants, four are committed close prisoners to the Tower: (1) Sir Walter Chute^[3]; (2) John Hoskins^[4]; (3) one Wentworth^[5], a lawyer; and (4) Mr. Christopher Nevil^[6], second son to my Lord of Apergavenie.

The first made great shift to come thither; for having taken in our House some disgrace in the matter of the Undertakers^[7] (of whom he would fain have been thought one) to get the opinion of a bold man, after he had lost that of a wise; he fell one morning into a declamation against the times, so insipid, and so unseasonable, as if he had been put but out of his place for it of carver (into which one of my Lord Admiral’s nephews is sworn) I should not much have pitied him, though he be my countryman. The second is in for more wit, and for licentiousness baptized freedom. For I have noted in our House, that a false or faint patriot did cover himself with the shadow of equal moderation, and on the other side, irreverent discourse was called honest liberty; so as upon the whole matter, ‘no excesses want precious names.’ You shall have it in Pliny’s language, which I like better than mine own translation; nullis vitiis desunt pretiosa nomina.^[8]

The third is a silly and simple creature, God himself knows; and though his father was by Queen Elizabeth at the time of a Parliament likewise put into the place where the son now is, yet hath he rather inherited his fortune than his understanding. His fault was, the application of certain texts in Ezekiel and Daniel to the matter of impositions; and saying that the French King was killed like a calf, with such-like poor stuff: against which the French ambassador (having gotten knowledge of it) hath formed a complaint, with some danger of his wisdom.

The last is a young gentleman, fresh from the school, who having gathered together divers Latin sentences against kings, bound them up in a long speech, and interlarded them with certain Ciceronian exclamations, as O Tempora, O Mores!^[9]

Thus I have a little run over these accidents unto you, enough only to break out of that silence, which I will not call a symptom of my sickness, but a sickness itself. Howsoever, I will keep it from being hectical, and hereafter give you a better account of mine own observations. This week I have seen from a most dear niece a letter, that hath much comforted one uncle, and a postscript the other.^[10] Long may that hand move, which is so full of kindness. As for my particular, take heed of such invitations, if you either love or pity yourselves, for I think there was never needle touched with a loadstone that did more incline to the north, than I do to Redgrave. In the meantime, we are all here well; and so our Lord Jesus preserve you there.

Sir, I pray remember my hearty affection to my cousin Nicolas Bacon, and all joy to the new conjoined.

I shall propound unto you the next week a very possible problem, unto which, if you can devise how to attain, non scriveremo al Papa, fratello.

226. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 38; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 434. Death of the Earl of Northampton; arrest of Leonel Sharp; trial of Hoskins, &c.

Sir,

The Earl of Northampton^[1] having, after a lingering fever, spent more spirits than a younger body could well have borne, by the incision of a wennish tumour grown on his thigh, yesternight between eleven and twelve of the clock departed out of this world; where, as he had proved much variety and vicissitude of fortune in the course of this life, so peradventure he hath prevented another change thereof by the opportunity of his end. For there went a general voice through the Court on Sunday last, upon the commitment of Dr. Sharp^[2] and Sir Charles Cornwallis^[3] to the Tower, that he was somewhat implicated in that business; whereof I will give you a little account at the present, as far as I have been hitherto able to penetrate. John Hoskins (of whose imprisonment I wrote unto you by the last carrier) having at a re-examination been questioned, whether he well understood the consequence of that Sicilian Vesper,^[4] whereunto he had made some desperate allusion in the House of Parliament, made answer (and I think very truly) that he had no more than a general information thereof, being but little conversant in those histories that lay out of the way of his profession. Whereupon, being pressed to discover whence he then had received this information, since it lay not within his own reading, he confessed to have had it from Dr. Sharp, who had infused these things into him, and had solicited him to impress them in the Parliament; and further, that Hoskins hereupon demanding what protection he might hope for, if afterwards he were called into question, the said Doctor should nominate unto him, besides others (whose names I will spare), that Earl,^[5] who hath now made an end of all his reckonings; assuring him of his assistance by the means of Sir Charles Cornwallis, with whom the Doctor was conjoined in this practice. Thus came Sir Charles into discovery; who being afterward confronted with the Doctor himself, though he could not (as they say) justify his own person, yet did he clear my Lord of Northampton from any manner of understanding with him therein upon his salvation; which yet is not enough (as I perceive among the people) to sweep the dust from his grave. Thus you see, Sir, the natural end of a great man, and the accidental ruin of others; which I had rather you should see in a letter, than as I did on Sunday at Greenwich, where it grieved my soul to behold a grave and learned divine, and a gentleman of good hopes and merits, carried away in the face of the whole Court, with most dejected countenances, and such a greediness at all windows to gaze at unfortunate spectacles.

The Earl of Northampton hath made three of his servants his executors, with a very vast power, as I hear; and for overseers of his will, my Lord of Suffolk^[6], my Lord of Worcester^[7], and my Lord William Haward^[8]. To the Earl of Arundel he left all his land (which will amount to some £3,000 of yearly revenue), besides three or four hundred to Mr. Henry Haward, whereof he had before assured him at the time of his marriage; but neither of them to enjoy a penny thereof as yet this eight year; all which time he intendeth the fruits of his estate shall be collected and distributed in legacies and pious uses according to his will, which hath not yet been seen, but thus much as I have told you was understood before his expiration. To my Lord of Suffolk he hath left his house, but hath disposed of all the movables and furniture from him. And it is conceived that he died in some distasteful impression, which he had taken against him upon the voices that ran of my Lord of Suffolck’s likelihood to be Lord Treasurer, which place will now assuredly fall upon him; and the world doth contemplate my Lord of Rochester for Lord Privy Seal and Lord Warden of the Five Ports. As for the Lord Chamberlainship, it is somewhat more questionable between my Lord of Pembroke, the Duke of Lenox, and my Lord Knowls^[9]. A few days will determine these ambitions. In the meantime I commit you, who have better objects, to the contemplation of them, and to the mercy of our loving God in all your ways.

Sir, I have (I know not how) mislaid the Character^[10] which I left you, therefore I pray send me in your very next a copy. Therefore I have deferred the matter which I am to propound unto you till the next week, because I must send you some ore of lead, and iron withal, which I have not yet gotten.

Is there no room left for the remembrance of that dear niece? God forbid. And I pray, Sir, tell her besides that a certain uncle here (whom yet I will not suffer to love her better than myself) doth greedily expect some news from her.

227. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 137. Dated ‘on Midsummer Morning’; the year 1614 added in Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 437. Rumours of Court appointments.

Sir,

Like a woman great with child, I have threatened you almost every week with a proposition of profit; in which kind of breedings methinks I am of hard birth, but I hope to be brought to bed by the next carrier. This week hath yet yielded in the public small effects to entertain you withal; only, some change of opinion about the future great officers, which are now thus discoursed.

The Earl of Suffolk is still beheld as a Lord Treasurer, and that conjecture hath never fainted since the very first rising of it. But it is thought that the dignity of Privy Seal shall lie vacant, as it did in the Cecilian times, and that the execution thereof, with the title of Lord Chamberlain, shall be laid on my Lord of Sommerset.^[1] For if my Lord of Suffolk should remove from the King’s privacy to a place of much distraction and cumber, without leaving a friend in his room, he might peradventure take cold at his back, which is a dangerous thing in a Court, as Ruygomez de Silva was wont to say, that great artisan of humours. Of the office of Five Ports, I dare yet pronounce nothing. My Lord my brother will none of it (as I heard him seriously say) though it were offered him, for reasons which he reserveth in his own breast; yet the late Northampton did either so much esteem it, or thought himself to receive so much estimation from it, as he hath willed his body to be laid in the castle of Dover.

Chute, Hoskins, Sharp, and Sir Charles Cornwallis are still in the Tower, and I like not the complexion of the place. Out of France, we have the death of Dr. Carrier^[2], whose great imaginations abroad have had but a short period. And so, Sir, commending you, and that dearest niece, to God’s continual blessings and love, I rest,

228. To James I.

S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton’s arrival at the Hague.

May it please your Majesty,

Although your Majesty may peradventure have expected from me some dispatch before now, yet I am not afraid of any mistrust in your royal heart, either of my zeal or of my diligence, whereof I shall ever be able to give your Majesty a better reckoning than of my judgement. I landed at Roterdam the first of this month, towards evening, after I had lain two nights on the sea; and the next day I was met by the Count Maurice^[1], accompanied with his brother the Count Henry, and divers other commanders, some two miles from the Haghe, where he took me into his own coach, and so brought me through the fairest of the town, to a house which the States had very royally furnished, and had appointed their own officers to attend and defray me, which I accepted for some few days. At this house (where Mr. Secretary^[2] before had lain), four of the Lords, as they are here styled, serving for Gelderland, Holland, Zeeland, and Utrecht, were appointed to receive me in the name of the whole body; which they did with much reverent remembrance of your Majesty, and profession of their great obligations towards your sacred person and crowns.

The Count Maurice had likewise before inquired very tenderly of your Majesty’s, the Queen’s, and the Prince his health; and there was in truth in the reception of your unworthy servant no circumstance wanting of all due respect towards your royal name. . . . I humbly expect to understand from your Majesty your farther will in this intricate business, which I hope the Archdukes^[3] will give us leisure to handle soberly. For if, after knowledge that your Majesty and the French King do sincerely concur in procuring by some equal measure the quiet of these Provinces (wherein both the crowns have such interest), the said Archdukes shall disturb our treaty with any hostile act, then we must conclude that he^[4] is weary of his own ease, and hath some unrevealed ends of the Pope’s hatching, which a few days will discover. And so with my continual prayers to the God of peace and armies to bless your Majesty in all times with His vigilant love, I humbly rest,

229. To the Earl of Somerset^[1].

S. P. Holland, holograph. Date erased, but sent with above dispatch. Wotton writes to say that he is sending his dispatch to the King through Somerset’s hands, and mentions that he has been blamed by the Dutch for delaying their military preparations.

Right Honourable and my very good Lord,

I have given his Majesty an accompt, partly by my pen, and partly by this gentleman^[2], of the present business as it standeth this 18th of August; which I note precisely, because it is of an intricate and variable nature, much depending upon accidents. The Archduke Albertus seemeth, or would fain seem, exceeding eager to do we know not what. And the States here have very handsomely bestowed the blame of their backwardness upon my intercession with them^[3]. The truth is indeed, my Lord, I have done my best to keep them as far as may be from one another, because chances peradventure might kindle them sooner than either their wills or their wisdoms. What will become of it I dare not yet pronounce. And I shall not need to tell your Lordship what hath been done hitherto, for both my papers to the King, and the honest bearer of them, hath no other way to pass them ⟨than⟩ through your noble hands, both by my direction and by my devotion. And so I humbly rest,

230. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.

Stowe MS. 175, f. 18, holograph. Partly printed in Birch’s Negotiations, p. 378. Wotton writes to Edmondes (who had just returned to his embassy at Paris) of the negotiations at the Hague.

My Lord,

I was, the morning of your departure, at your house in St. Bartholomew’s to have kissed your hands, and missing you at that time, I was returning towards you immediately after dinner to mend my fortune, when a sudden voice of the King of Denmark’s arrival^[1] carried me from your Lordship with the rest of the torrent, to the Queen’s house, where I was lost all that afternoon among certain wits, that were glad of new matter to talk on, especially when kings fall into their hands. Since my coming hither, which was on the 2nd of August in our style, I have not written so much as once to his Majesty; for I saw nothing until this very day, upon which might be grounded any material dispatch, notwithstanding that I had had four public audiences and three committees (as I may term them), wherein some of the States were deputed to treat with me apart, besides sundry private conferences with his Excellency^[2] and Monsieur Barneveld, the oracle of the place. I impute the length of their deliberations, not so much now to the nature of their government (though I am well acquainted with the lentitude of common counsels), as to the very distraction of the business itself, breeding in them apparently enough a loathness to retire, and a doubtfulness to proceed. They have now finally put the whole matter touching the sequestration of Juliers into Monsieur du Maurier’s^[3] hands and mine, as the representants of our masters; which will appear unto you by their decree, which I send herewith to Mr. Trumbal^[4], desiring him, when he hath perused it, to transport the same or the copy to your Lordship, in the company of these hasty ragged lines, which may well show you how we are straitened with time, fearing to be surprised by some hostile act of the Archdukes, which would traverse our treaty. Your ancient creature Mr. Trumbal (a very intelligent instrument, as appeareth by his letters, and right honest, by all reports) hath done many good offices to mollify the said Archdukes, who seem, or at least would seem, very eager to do we know not what. And the States here lay very civilly to my charge that I have kept them from marching towards their frontiers; which they now begin to fortify with a few removes of certain companies from the more inland garrisons. The hope is (and we may hope it very justly) that the expectation of Monsieur de Refuge^[5] at Bruxelles will on the Archdukes’ side suspend all action; the two Kings concurring so sincerely and so professedly to procure his consentment. The said ambassador shall find at his coming hither the matter well masticated, or rather indeed well digested already, whereof your Lordship shall have from me a more particular accompt as we go forwards. In the meantime, I must tell you that none of those ways propounded in my written instructions^[6] (wherewith your Lordship is well acquainted) can take place, for in the management of them, there fell out insuperable difficulties not considered in the beginning. But it pleased the King to commit unto me verbally some private remembrances which I hope will determine this business.^[7] We have a voice, believed in Amsterdam and almost here, that the Emperor is dead. If it be true, it is likely to breed great matters. And for my part I do not see how his mandate, lately executed on the poor town of Aix,^[8] after his decease can be of validity. I have scant room left to remember my humble service to your Lordship and your worthy Lady, and to desire your pardon for this trouble which I have given you. God bless your whole family, and send us peaceful days,

231. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The advance of the Dutch army.

Sir,

I direct the present unto your Honour through Sir John Throckmorton’s^[1] hands at Vlussing, only to acquaint his Majesty that the Count Maurice is this very morning departed hence with the Count William^[2], the Count Henry, and all the captains of horse and foot, towards the frontiers, where the rendezvous is appointed at Schenck’s Sconse^[3] on Sunday next. If they arrive in time they are likely enough to prevent Spinola’s taking of Wesel, Ries, and Emerick; which if he do, we doubt they will speak big language in the treaty. I have kept them asunder as far and as long as may be, and they have very handsomely bestowed upon me the blame of their backwardness.^[4] The doubt now is, that coming near together, some chance may kindle them, though perhaps neither of the sides have much will unto it. I shall dispatch unto his Majesty within these two days an express messenger, with more particular judgement upon the whole matter, which I now begin to think that I understand.

232. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton defends himself against the charge that he was to blame for the delay which allowed Spinola to take Wesel.

. . . I am very sensible here (as I have just cause) of the voices of some people that would impute the loss of Wesel^[1], and the backwardness of the States, to his Majesty, or at least (when they would speak more civilly) to his instruments, and in particular to myself^[2]; which ridiculous conception will be easily dispelled, when it shall be more publicly known (as it is fit it should) that the King my master did, within the compass of fifteen days (namely, from the 14th of August till the 29th of the same), voluntarily enter into two royal engagements of himself in favour of his friends and the cause, besides an expostulation with the Archdukes for their unsound proceeding. And all this, while the Protestant United Princes (who are nearest both the danger and the utility) have looked on, and while the French King and Queen (who are interested as much as his Majesty in these affairs) have been very coldly and neutrally disposed, as appeareth by the steps of their minister. As for myself, I may affirm with most indubitable truth, and I can directly prove it where it shall be questioned, that my intercessions did not detain the Count Maurice from the frontiers one hour longer than the States themselves were secretly willing and thought fit that he should be stayed; which I speak with good warrant from a mouth of authority, though I must confess that I studied (till the point of necessity) to keep the armies as far asunder as might be^[3], lest otherwise some chance might kindle them sooner than either their own wills, or their wisdoms, as I have written in my former letters. I have through your Honour’s hands discoursed these things unto his Majesty, more out of zeal to his inviolable name, than any care of myself; for surely the condition of public servants were most miserable, if they were bound to be troubled with vulgar voices, and to gather up all the rumour and breath that is so easily spent.

233. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.

Stowe MS. 175, f. 46, dictated, extract. The arrival of De Reffuge; movements of the Dutch and Spanish armies.

My very good Lord,

I have received your Lordship’s letters by the French captain, dated the 3 of this month, for which I do heartily thank you, as likewise for your intention of writing sooner, had you not been misimpressed by the ambassador of the States there, who seemeth not well acquainted with my commission. It is true indeed that the King hath deputed me (after the quieting or relaxation of these affairs here) to meet his Majesty of Denmark’s ambassador at the Court of Brunswick,^[1] and there jointly to treat (as I do here with the French) an agreement between that Duke and the town; so as your Lordship seeth how pacifical I am in this journey. But that German business must sleep a while.

Monsieur de Reffuge at last arrived here on the 13th of the present. From the Archdukes he hath brought little more than generalities, and a kind of reference, for the knowledge of their particular will, unto the Marquis Spinola, who hath been now three or four days treating a cessation of action for some limited time, at the vehement suit of the provincials, who suffer extremely, while the two generals agree well enough (for aught I see), and while the two Pretendants, Newburg on the one side and Brandenbourg on the other, lend both countenance, and as much help as they can to their own ruins, which is a pretty contemplation.

Monsieur de Reffuge hath this morning his first audience. After which we have determined to make a joint dispatch unto the two Princes, and to the two generals, for the understanding of their inclinations about the place of our treaty, whereof you shall have knowledge by my next. I was glad to understand that which de Reffuge had let fall to your Lordship, in his conference with you before his coming from Paris, namely, ‘that he thought the instances and menacings of the two Crowns would do little good with the Spaniards, unless they were likely to be followed with the effects.’ Which, I can assure your Lordship, shall not be wanting, unless they fail on the French side; for the King our master hath within the compass of 15 days (namely in his dispatches unto me of the 14th and 26th of August) voluntarily entered into two real engagements of himself in favour of his friends and the cause; which made me yesterday, at my first visitation of this new ambassador, hold with him this language, ‘that I was a person of small discourse and less ceremony, but I did humbly offer him mine own service; and I was come to assure him that I had charge from the King my master to join with him in a fraternal consultation upon the present affairs, and in any resolution whatsoever, either of peace or war according to the occasion.’

This moved him to tell me at length the passages of his journey, and how he was used by the Archdukes. But I could mark no greater heat in his discoursing than he had showed in his marching; and I am of your Lordship’s opinion that France is too distracted at home (whereof the Spaniards are not ignorant) to help us greatly here.

234. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated, extract, postscript and signature holograph. The King of Spain’s title; Biondi sent with Du Maurier to arrange for a treaty.

Sir,

I protest unto you that I am both ashamed and tired with representing these menudencias unto his Majesty, but withal I consider that his honour (whereof I am bound to be tender) may suffer in the smallest things, and therefore I have thought it fit for me to render him an accompt of my carriage even in the most contemptible circumstances. I must protest withal that I was glad to see Mons. de Reffuge so prompt and forward as I yet find him, and I have no fear in the present business but to leave him behind me. I was glad also to see him join so well with Mons. du Maurier, who is a gentleman of singular piety and clear intentions.

The copies of our credential letters^[1] sent by the said Mons. du Maurier and Francesco Biondi, are sent herewithal, wherein was this nicety^[2] observed, that to the two generals we used Monsieur and Excellence, and to the two princes Monseigneur and Altesse. And there fell out afterwards between De Reffuge and me, when we came to seal the letters with both our seals (as we did upon distinct labels), and to see them superscribed, a scruple that yielded some sport. For upon the letter to Spinola, when we came to nominate his titles and charges which he held from the King of Spaine, Reffuge willed his secretary to write ‘de sa Majesté Catholique’, which I would not suffer; although between jest and earnest, I told him that if these provinces now in question were suffered to fall into Spanish hands, that King within a while would prove ‘Catholic’ enough, that is ‘universal’, as the word importeth: after which, with a very little ado, he yielded to have Spinola described ‘Lieutenant-Général des Armées de sa Majesté d’Espagne’. And this was the end of our first meetings. Mons. Maurier and Francesco Biondi (who will do this turn, or a greater, with requisite discretion) departed two days since towards the camps.^[3] We expect them not any time possibly in less than five days more; and Mons. Barneveld hath newly sent me word that he thinketh, till their arrival, the cessation will not be concluded. The rest I will signify after my audience, in a letter to his Majesty; whom for the present I humbly commit, with all his, to God’s continual blessing, ever resting

Right Honourable, the time is now come that I must beseech you to prepare his Majesty and yourself to a patience of being troubled both with frequent and long letters, as we grow deeper into the bowels of this perplexed business.

235. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph. Wotton and De Reffuge about to leave the Hague.

Right Honourable,

I signified unto your Honour the departure of Mons. du Maurier towards the armies by Captain Minn^[1], and his infirmity on the way by Sir David Murray^[2]; whereupon Mons. de Reffuge and myself have resolved, after our audiences here this morning, to pass towards the armies. The rest his Majesty shall receive from Utrecht (where, God willing, I will be to-morrow at night) by your Honour’s careful servant William Diston^[3]: resting in the meantime and ever,

The bearer is a servant to Sir Thomas Gates, and I hope hath learned some diligence from his master.

236. To James I.

S. P. Ger. States, holograph, extract. Wotton’s journey to Rees; Xanten the probable place of the treaty; motives and desires of the various parties concerned.

. . . At Utrecht we found Mons. du Maurier much weakened with some relics of that infirmity which had surprised him on the way; and there we left him, with intention to follow us when his strength would bear it. But as yet we hear no more of him.

At Arnehm^[1] I found the Countess of Nassaw^[2], her Majesty’s niece, in grief for the late loss of a little daughter; her husband being absent at the army with double charge at the present of Lieutenant-General and Marshal, by reason of some infirmity of the Count William^[3], the wisest and indubitably the realest gentleman of his whole house, who is, for his better recovery, retired to Groningen.

At Rees we arrived on Saturday the 24th, about four of the clock in the afternoon, and were met about a mile out of the town by the Marquis of Brandenburg and the Count Maurice, who, after a few compliments, put Mons. de Reffuge and me into their coach, and Chatillon with us, the commander of the French.

The young Prince of Brandenburg^[4] is a gentleman of very forward understanding for his years, and of good breeding for his nation; and hath gotten in the States army, partly by his countenance (which is full of sweetness) and partly for the cause’s sake, a great deal of good opinion. . . .

Touching the place of our treaty (for I have tired your Majesty too much about the persons) I think it will be Santen, which the Marquis Spinola took on the other side of the Rhene, if he may be moved (which he cannot deny, neither in reason nor courtesy) to withdraw his garrison out of it for the time, and to restore the town, till the issue of the treaty, to a neutral nature; which place hath been judged the fittest, being between the two armies, and of commodious receipt.

Touching the matter, or subject of the treaty, I cannot more distinctly represent it unto your Majesty than by some short notes upon certain new articles, which have been propounded on the one side and the other, which I have now addressed to Mr. Secretary, being the ground whereon we must build. And your Majesty will see by them that the difficulty doth lie rather in the humours than in the things. Therefore it is lastly fit for me to speak of those affections that have an influence into it, as I find them either visibly or by conjecture. The States can hardly hide, with artificial suppression, their desire of quietness. And on the other side we are well informed of the imperfections of the Spanish army, and of Neuburg’s wants, by intercepted letters, which he wrote to the Bishop of Wormes^[5], complaining that the clergy had failed him in the moneys that were promised. Whereupon doth arise this doubt, that both parties, deeming each other easy to yield unto an accord, may peradventure retard that which they seek by pressing the greater conditions. Brandenburge hath about him (as I have said) a very various council, full of suspicion and lentitude, according to the Almagne natures, and more now than ordinarily for two respects: first, because he is (as they call him) but Mandatarius Patris, and therefore must proceed himself with the more awe; secondly, because his own resolutions being not absolute, and his age deceivable, this doth make his advisers (as we find them) the more apprehensive, standing in a kind of obnoxiousness to the event.

For the Count Maurice (to consider him in individuo) no man doubts his desire of war, both for benefit and for respect. Reffuge being the instrument of a kingdom distracted in the temporality, divided in religions, and under a child contracted with a late enemy of jealous power,^[6] hath reason to wish peace, unless it be to engage your Majesty and then to look on—which I must confess, to mine own understanding, is the slipperiest point of my charge. Lastly, the Provincials groan under the burden of two armies that take towns at ease, and feed upon the soil that belongeth to neither of them both, while the pretending Princes lend authority to their own ruins, which causeth in all corners poverty and clamour. And if none of these considerations will help us, I hope the winter will do it.

Thus have I discoursed unto your Majesty a few of mine own free thoughts about the inward part of the business—I mean, the passions that lead it; which lines your royal hand receiveth by an honest and learned gentleman, who in a little person containeth a great deal of zeal towards your Majesty and courage to serve you.

And so, with my continual prayers to the God of peace and armies for His vigilant love over your sacred person and estates, I humbly rest,

Mr. Weekes.^[7]

237. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ger. States, dictated, extract. Spinola’s army; a visit from Spinola and the Duke of Neuburg; the meeting of the envoys at Xanten.

. . . To Wesel I came the morning after Mons. de Reffuge; for I had found some inconveniences in arriving jointly with him before at Rees, and less dignity in it. I was accompanied with divers gentlemen of command and quality of his Majesty’s subjects^[1] in the States’ service, who on this occasion had a full sight of the Spanish or Imperial army (baptize it how you please) at the fairest distent^[2] and show, whereof I shall speak more anon. The next day after my arrival, Mons. du Maurier came likewise thither, with slighter reception, and lodged that night in a tent there; as De Reffuge had done the night of his arrival, and as was offered to me, but refused, because I thought it more congruous to mine own ends to lodge in the town of Wesel, especially his Majesty’s agent, Mr. Dickenson^[3], being then in my company (who was come unto me at the very point of my departure at Rees), and could not be well accommodated without separation from me in the Spanish leaguer. In Wesel they had prepared for Mons. de Reffuge and myself distinct partitions in the same house, which, though very inconvenient, I let pass without exception, imagining that therein they had contemplated their own ease in the visitations of us. Here they found a shift to hold us from Thursday night till the Monday following. . . .

I must not omit to tell your Honour a pleasant passage between the Duke of Newbourg, the Marquis Spinola, myself and Mr. Dickenson at Wesel. They came the night before our departure, very late, to visit us; where, after some discoursings interchangeably à la volée upon the whole subject now in hand, the Marquis acquainted us (as it were aliud agens) that the Archdukes had sent thither their deputies to concur in this treaty; whereat myself interjecting that I thought the said Archdukes might spare that charge, because the two Kings, the Princes of the Union, and the States, would be as well sufficient to mediate the present accord, as they had been to put the two Princes into the first possession^[4], he replied that the face of the business was now much altered, and so much that himself and the Count Maurice were Possessioners of the whole; ‘for the two Princes,’ said he, ‘tengono niente,’ which I think he repeated some twenty times, laying his arms very familiarly over the shoulders of Neubourg, and both of them for a good space equally laughing, though in my opinion not upon equal cause. And we for the present time bare them company in the humour, reserving our thoughts to ourselves; which were these, that perhaps the Duke may be laughed in that fashion out of a province or two, and contribute his own mirth to the matter.

From Wesel we brought the answer of Neubourg to Brandenbourg’s postulata, whereunto the deputies of Brandenbourge have here since replied with interposition of some little new matter, which moved Neubourg’s commissioners to fetch more counsel and authority from the Duke at Wesel, while likewise the Brandenbourgeans did step to the Prince at Rees, and one or two of the States to Count Maurice.^[5] Between which answers, and replies, and rejoinders, and allées, and venues, and complimental intervisitations, and preparatory conferences, we have miserably spent the days of this week; yet not without thus much fruit, that we have now found the principal differences, which we reckon some advancement towards our purpose.

But before I speak of the subject itself, I will entertain his Majesty with a little discourse touching the body of our assembly.

We are a full Grand Jury, precisely twenty-four, two for his Majesty, two for the French King, seven for the States, representing the Seven United Provinces, three for Brandenbourg, as many for Neubourg, two for the Count Palatine Elector, two for the Archdukes, and three for the Elector of Coloigne. . . .

Thus after some little debatement about the persons and qualifications, we are met together with one intent (according to the outward appearance) in this town; but to bring us here all together in the same room, in the qualities that we bear, there is no possible means devisable by the conceit of man, considering the sundry disputes concerning préséance which distract this body. For neither will Brandenbourg give place to Neubourg, being the heir apparent of an Electoral House, nor Neubourg to him, being (since the death of his father) an absolute Prince.^[6] The States likewise will by no means give way to the Archdukes; and Monsieur Schombergh^[7] hath also acquainted me (to my no small wonder) that they disputed the precedency with the Elector his master, or, to speak more properly, with the Duke of Deux Ponts^[8], his master’s representant at the time of the baptism of my Lady Elizabeth’s child; which doth make the said Schombergh now abstain from all intermeetings of the State deputies here, save at their own lodgings, lest he should call this point again into question, which cannot be touched without much indignity.

Among which puntiglios the French ambassadors and myself have likewise our share; for this very day, being visited at my lodging by them, and discoursing how and where we and the States might meet at several times with those of Brandenbourg and Neubourg, his Majesty’s agent and myself were contented it should be in the forenoon with the French, and in the afternoon at my chamber; which was by De Reffuge (as I must be bold to say) very presumptuously refused; affirming that the private assemblies at the time of the treating of the truce were all at the chamber of Jeannin^[9]—and this even in the presence of Mr. Dickenson, who told him he had been misinformed. And for my part I desired him in fair terms, not to build so much upon a mere permissive precedence, but to use it moderately, and to take it (as scholars do oftentimes in their disputations) pro dato, sed non concesso. And thus we parted without any more passion.

238. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.

Stowe MS. 175, f. 71, dictated. Negotiations at Xanten.

My Lord,

By Captain Blunte, going from hence to Bruxelles, I send this unto your Lordship, through the honest hands of Mr. Trombal, to tell you how we stand.

Santen, by the courtesy of the Marquis (who hath withdrawn his garrison out of it, though with assurance of restitution in default of agreement), is the seat of our treaty—a place more famous for the ancient Roman name of Castra Vetera than for any modern commodity that I see in it.

In propositions, replies, rejoinders, allées and venues (to the Princes of each side, who are equally distant), complimental intervisitations and preparatory conferences, we have miserably spent one week.

The main difficulties are to find an even partition of the litigious Provinces for the one Prince and the other provisionally, for we go no farther. Juilliers, Berg, and Ravenspurg against Cleves, Marcke, and Ravensteyn, are found unequal in the balance; because on the part of Juilliers there are more fortified places, and more houses for the habitation of the Princes.^[1]

This is the principal knot of the whole business. The second difficulty is whether the partage shall be absolute or alternative^[2]; which two points evacuated, the rest is very reconcilable. And so your Lordship hath all (as God help me) that I can tell you. Wherewith I commit you to God’s blessed favour.

My humble service to your Lordship’s virtuous lady and all yours.

239. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.

Stowe MS. 175, f. 87, dictated. Negotiations at Xanten; arrival of Count Hohenzollern. The affairs of Brunswick.

My very good Lord,

I give your Lordship kind thanks for your letter of the 13th of October, which hath found us still at Santen, where we have almost spent an entire month. But we are now come so far that we shall conclude within two or three days, ou faict, ou failli.

The personal residence, which did most exercise our brains, is accorded; namely, that Cleves, Marck, Ravenstein, and Ravensburg be on the one side, and the two Dukedoms of Juliers and Berg on the other, whereof the choice to be put to lot; but the lots not to be drawn until a full agreement upon the rest, about which we are now in travail, and find more difficulty in the humours than in the things, especially for the accommodating of the Barony of Monjoy, given heretofore by the Elector of Brandenbourg, and confirmed by his son, to Colonel Ketler, one of his deputies here at the present; against which Nieuberg doth very mainly exclaim, saying that no piece of the inheritance is alienable by either of the parties. And although Brandenbourg do offer to defalk^[1] as much from his own part, if he shall light on the contrary side, yet is Nieuburg not contented therewith; having indeed conceived much passion against the said Ketler, whom he pretendeth to have been the principal instrument that did traverse his match with the Prince of Brandenbourg’s sister.

The aforesaid Monjoy doth lie on the part of Juliers; and on the part of Cleves, Colonel Schomberg hath gotten Hussen into his hands, by way of caution for good sums disbursed by him in the service of Brandenbourg; so as these two colonels, when it shall come to the drawing of the lots, will solicit the heavens with contrary prayers.

Between these things the Grave of Hohensolern^[2] is arrived in quality of ambassador from the Emperor at Spinola his camp; and about the same time, as it were by way of counterpoise, the Grave of Solms^[3] and Mons. von Büvinchousen^[4] are come hither in the name of the whole Union, but without any purpose to interrupt us with any new propositions. This is the state of our affairs at the present, wherein I deal more frankly with your Lordship than you do with me; for you say nothing unto me of your own main business.^[5]

I was destined to Brounswick, and the King wished me to send my credential letters thither beforehand, as I did by my secretary; by whose late return I understand that my own going is suspended, and the differences between that Duke and the town in likelihood of an end, through a notable advantage offered the said Duke by the dissension of the plebeity, who have taken the Duke’s part and imprisoned their superiors, especially a turbulent syndic by name Roerland, who was the incendiary of that business.

This is all wherewith I can entertain your Lordship at the present, wishing you more ease, and better cheer for less money than we have here.

I pray, my Lord, remember my humble service unto your worthy lady. Tobie Mathew, as I hear, is at Wesel.

240. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ger. States, dictated, extract. In this dispatch Wotton repeated the account of the negotiations given in the above letter to Edmondes. He then adds that he is sending his apology for the loss of Wesel.

. . . I have suspended the sending of my secretary for two or three days more, within which term I think we shall see the shore. And by him, besides the accompt of these things here, his Majesty shall receive my apology touching the town of Wesel; of which, as often as I think, it reduceth still to my memory a custom in practice (as I hear) even at this day with some nations, who upon every public calamity do sacrifice a man; which seemeth to hold much analogy with my case, for I have now furnished the altar. But your Honour shall see that I will present unto his Majesty better incense—I mean the truth. Till when I humbly rest

241. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ger. States, dictated, extract. The treaty signed; prospects of ratification.

. . . Concerning the present of our affairs here, they stand, I must confess, somewhat strangely; for though both the Princes have signed and sealed the articles^[1] (which I sent unto his Majesty by my servant Cutberd Milborne), yet we dare pronounce nothing of the issue. Only we are now sure, either to make a quiet end for these provinces, or an honourable for our masters, and a blameless for ourselves; because no mediators can go farther than first to project an equitable form of agreement, and then to induce the parties to accept it. This is done; the execution dependeth rather on the generals than on the Princes; wherein, for as much as belongeth to the States, we find no backwardness, but the deputies of the Archduke do interject some scrupulous delays, which hath made the French ambassadors and myself resolve this very morning to write jointly to Neubourg, and severally to the Marquis, letters of round language to retrench all farther procrastination. I reserve my secretary to bring the event, and all the circumstances from my last. . . .

I must crave pardon before I end (feeling at the present a little critical spirit) to set down unto his Majesty an observation of mine own about our treaty. I note the deputies of the States and the French ambassadors (especially Reffuge) to be exceeding eager for a quiet end; and both for the same reason, or not much different; the States, for that if a rupture should ensue upon these distractions, they were likely, in common opinion, to bear a great part of the blame, as having given the first occasion by the seizure of Juliers. The French, for having stayed so long before and after the taking of Wesel, from assisting with their mediation, while De Reffuge lingered, that by the loss of a month and more (which would have done us more good than two months now) we are cast into the winter, and thereby the Marquis Spinola made the more secure in his delays and suspensions; because he may think to make his composition as well at the beginning of the next spring as now; and in the meantime feed his army upon these provinces, and hearken after the changes of the world, and the advantages of occasion, which are the true fountains of military counsel. This is the secret difficulty of our treaty to my understanding; wherein his Majesty (whereof I am inwardly glad) hath no part, having sent me over so timely. And when the French shall excuse their own fault in it, or the States theirs, in expecting them so long, then let me be sacrificed; which yet I beseech his Majesty to receive, not as proceeding from any passion in me, or from any despair of a good conclusion. But it was my duty to unfold this point, because in all event it may serve for a great argument (if it be well handled) to draw the French into the quarrel, whose lentitude did difficult^[2] the accord. And so with my prayers to God for his Majesty’s happiness, I rest

. . . For conclusion let me give his Majesty more and more probability of a speedy and good end of this treaty, whereof I have received some new arguments from the camp at Wesel, since the subscribing of my letter. And although Mons. de Reffuge did write some ten days since into Fraunce that all would be accommodated within eight days, yet I dare not, even at this hour, pronounce either the time or the certainty. So as I am the better politique, and he the better Christian, because he hath more faith.

242. To the Marquis Spinola.

Egerton Papers, Camden Society, 1840, p. 466. Wotton’s English draft for his ‘letter of round language’ to Spinola. The letter actually sent was no doubt in Italian.

Excellent and Illustrious Sir,

Your Excellency knoweth all that hath passed since the time we have continued here at your request, and therefore ⟨it is⟩ unnecessary to trouble you with the repetition of the circumstances. You know likewise that this present business is already brought to such terms, that there remaineth no mean between peace and war. Yet for all this, we see that hourly there are new petty scruples most strangely interposed, either to delay, or absolutely to disannul that which hath been formally sealed and accorded on both sides. Whereupon, seeing that every minister (although joined with others) ought to have a particular reflection upon the honour of him by whom he is commanded, I have thought it my duty to put your Excellency in remembrance, with all due respect, that if it be your intent to hold the places taken, peradventure it had been better to have done it, without abusing the dignity of the King my master and his crowns, with entertaining discourses here, and so many promises made and reiterated to his royal person. Therefore I pray your Excellency to deliberate, not only with magnanimity, but with your wisdom and reality, how much dependeth of that which is yet to be resolved; wherewith I heartily rest,

243. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ger. States, dictated, extract. The envoys about to leave Xanten; the terms of the treaty not carried out.

Right Honourable,

This is Monday, the 21st of November in our style, on which day after dinner, the French ambassadors, those of the Union, the deputies of the States General, and his Majesty’s servants, do depart from Santen (where we have been precisely seven weeks) to Rees, having, for the honour of our masters and discharge of our own duties and consciences, done as much as I think could be done (all circumstances considered) by any mediators of the world. For first, the articles of agreement (formerly sent unto his Majesty) have been signed and sealed by the Duke of Neubourg and Prince of Brandenbourg on the 20th and 22nd of this month, stilo novo; next, the signatures and accords of the said Princes have been reciprocally accepted by and from each other, though not without some precedent opposition, even after the signing. And lastly the said articles were in every point approved and confirmed on the 23rd of the same month by the States of these provinces of Cleves and Juliers, etc., comprehending the gentry and capital towns. Notwithstanding all which, one single point (and no more in appearance) hath dissolved our assembly, and hitherto hindered the execution.^[1]

244. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton writes from the Hague (where he arrived on Dec. 1, O.S.) asking leave to return to England.

. . . Touching myself, if the King our gracious master shall determine the continuance of me in his service here^[1] (wherein, or howsoever it shall please him otherwise to dispose of me I will obey him cheerfully), yet I beseech your Honour that by your intercession, I may come home for some little time, when the League of the Union shall be concluded, and so return again in other quality. Wherein I humbly beg speedy knowledge of his Majesty’s good pleasure that I may settle mine own thoughts and provisions. And so, Sir, commending the care of me to your noble friendship, I ever rest,

Sir, it was a wonder unto me to understand, that his Majesty complained of infrequent dispatches from me, till newly I heard that three or four of my messengers were at Vlussing together, having overtaken one another, while the former were there every day flattered by the hope of a wind.

245. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. A League concluded between the States General and the Union of Protestant Princes.

Right Honourable,

We have concluded the League between the Princes of the Union and the States General^[1] this morning, perhaps sooner than businesses of such extent are usually determined. I conceive three causes that did all concur to the hastening of it. 1. His Majesty’s mediation. 2. The precedent preparation of the matter by the Count Palatine. 3. The quality of the time.

I accompanied the two ambassadors^[2] at this final audience, and spake first to this effect: that since the said ambassadors were come to signalize, or rather (as I might well term it) to sanctify this day with a just and Christian combination between their Princes and the States, I thought it my duty to accompany them publicly in this act, and thereby to declare the sincere conjunction that was between our masters and ourselves; assuring the States that, as his Majesty my gracious Lord had been the first and only mediator of this alliance, out of his love to both parties, and out of his judgement of their good, so he would receive extreme contentment to understand the conclusion of it. Nay, I told them that I would pass a little farther and say, that not only good kings (who are the images and representations of God’s visible Majesty on earth), but even angels themselves (as we may well believe) do rejoice when they see good combinations built, not only upon respects of policy and utility, but of conscience and zeal, as I knew was the scope of this League. And so I ended with my best wishes unto it. . . .

To me Mons. Barneveld made answer with exceeding reverence of his Majesty’s royal person and name, affirming twice or thrice and very seriously (if I do yet understand his face) that his Majesty’s mediation had been the principal motive of this League, with many other words touching their affiance in his royal concurrence and resolutions, as the nature of the time did require.

246. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton’s secretary drowned while crossing to England.

Right Honourable,

In what perplexity I write the present you will easily conceive, when you have read the enclosed from my nephew, Captain Robert Morton^[1], which came unto me but yesternight, touching the untimely and disastrous loss of my secretary^[2] in his passage; wherein what is there more to be said by either philosopher or Christian, than that which our blessed Saviour hath not only prescribed us, in the form of our daily prayer, but hath likewise exemplified it Himself, and as it were sealed it in the patience of His own end: Voluntas tua fiat Domine, both in heaven and in earth, and in the deep? . . .

I am little curious of what was shipwracked with him that concerned myself. Transeat hoc quod inter fugacia bona, as he sayeth. Only this doth trouble me, that mine own defence and discharge from that foul ridiculous bruit about Wesel, which I had reserved till his coming, hath run the fortune of the rest. But therein I shall satisfy his Majesty, by his favour, at a little more ease of mind and body than I find myself at the present. In the meanwhile I am sure Mr. Dickenson will bear me witness that I have cleared that report, both at Wesel itself before the magistrates, and at Zanten before the States of the Provinces; not in truth for any respect of myself (who am contented with mine own conscience), but in regard only of that qualification which I bear; although withal I must say that even the best and wisest of kings should be surely very unhappy in their condition, if their honours were subject to blemishment upon every imputation maliciously or fondly bestowed upon their instruments. And so, Sir, for the present I commit your safety to the God of Heaven, resting,

247. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated, extract. No date. Sent with John Dickenson on Dec. 27. The hindrances in the execution of the treaty of Xanten due to Spain; Nicholas de Rebbe; delay in Wotton’s dispatches.

. . . Touching that corrupt piece of intelligence wherewith the Mancecidor^[1] did abuse the Archdukes’ ambassador, and he his Majesty, I must only say this, that it is vetus ludus for men to beautify their own misdealings; and I have observed in the course of my life this maxim (which every day doth confirm unto me), that the worst causes are ever the best defended. This is as much as I find necessary to be said in answer of your aforesaid letter, for the matter of command in it. Your own private discourse wherewith you conclude seemeth upon the whole matter very probable, and I do verily believe that the Archdukes^[2] and the Marquis for his particular, and much more Newbourge, will be glad to execute the treaty, but I think that the King of Spain (by whose nerves they move) will never be brought unto it, without, at the least, the countenance of a war both by sea and land; for it is a feast for him (in my opinion) to fight in and for neutral provinces, while his own are at rest.

As for the Emperor’s ambassador^[3], who doth tempest (as we hear) in Bruxelles at much ease against the whole treaty, with protestations of nullity (as protestations are cheap in Germanie), the truth is we laugh at it. And if his master continue to dispense his investitures and his bands so frankly and so familiarly as he hath done of late, I will read his fortune that they will shortly run at the value of my Paulus Quintus his excommunications.

I have been here extremely cumbered with a certain fellow whom you commended unto me for his passage. What his Majesty can distil out of him I know not, but I will be bold to tell you my opinion of him. He is by name Doctor Nicholas de Rebbe^[4], by profession theologue, by misfortune a politician, and by nature a fool, equally destitute of both those parts which should compose a man of use, taciturnity, and discretion. Yet I have cherished in him his devotions towards his Majesty, which he will express himself at his return from Utrecht (whither he went yesterday) in person, having been either advised or commanded by a late letter from Monsieur de Mayern^[5] (as he telleth me) to come to the King for some important piece of service; and thereupon he would have moved me to some disbursements, which at first I civilly refused without farther order from your Honour, because I would fain have drawn him to pass his advertisements through my hands, and so have saved the King both from the trouble and the charge of his person; but seeing him eager upon it, and imagining that there may be aliquid sapidum in fungo, I have promised to let him want no good means for his conveyance. Lastly, touching myself; I am both sorry and ashamed that my messengers, who found the winds so contrary to them in Vlushinge, had not the wit to pass through Flanders, whereby his Majesty was moved to so just impatience. Always I am sure, that for every dispatch that the French ambassador made, I made four; and I protest on my troth (whereof I have many witnesses), that all the while I was at Santen I had, between visiting and being visited, no one hour of rest, insomuch as all my dispatches were noctis opera, and born of tired spirits. This I hope will serve for my excuse towards my gracious master, who was never before offended with my indiligence,^[6] although I am guilty otherwise of too much imperfection.

248. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Note sent with John Dickenson.

Right Honourable,

This bearer^[1] is a full dispatch of himself, in whose conversation and erudition we have all taken singular contentment. And I must give you many thanks (besides other favours) for that letter which joined him with me, without whom I had been very naked. Thus much I have likewise professed to the King. And so I humbly rest,

249. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated, postscript to letter of this date. The drowning of Osbert Mountford.

I have now more particular advertisement than before of the unfortunate perishing of my secretary, who was not cast away upon any bank or flat, but in a sudden gust, by swagging of corn (as it was thought) to the lee side, wherewith the ship was ballasted, together with want of mariners to help in such an extremity; in which point Flemings are commonly spareful of money, and prodigal of life. But the will of the Highest be done in all.

250. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated, extract. Wotton’s apology about the loss of Wesel; Dr. Sticke; the German Protestant Princes threatened by the Catholic League.

. . . I hope ere this time you have received divers letters from me, written since the departure of Mons. de Reffuge, rather in truth for entertainment of my duty than for matter of substance; for we are here merely passive, and tied to attend (quod miserrimum est) the King of Spain’s humours. . . .

His Majesty receiveth from me at this present a little commentary upon a letter which the Duke of Neuburg sent him, whereof he sent likewise the copy unto me. And I have also opened my bowels unto my great and gracious master about the matter of Wesel, wherein I shall never have true rest in my spirit till the King dissoil^[1] me, I do not mean by his grace, but by his justice, which is his eminent property.

Sir, I want your favour in the protection of my ⟨office⟩, but I am not so unthrifty to beg it in this occasion, because I thank God I need it not.

With this dispatch there cometh the Chevalier Sticke^[2], ambassador of Brandenbourg, of whom I had a wrong impression given me; for by discourse I find him to be a very moderate person, and full of good intentions, and one upon whose judgement and integrity that Electoral House doth much rely; who professeth great obligation and reverence towards his Majesty, and did use his servants very nobly. Thus much I was bound to say in discharge of the truth and mine own thankfulness.

Out of Germany we are battered with continual voices of designs upon them,^[3] which discover themselves more and more; for our last news runneth that the Imperial and Popish Electors have demanded a garrison in Frankfort to contain that town in obedience, which in re⟨spect⟩ of the Count Palatine doth much concern his Ma⟨jesty⟩, who, as I have before written, is a principal there, ⟨though⟩ he be an accessory here. And this is the hazardest point that I see in but the present state of things.

251. To James I.

S. P. Holland, holograph. Letter sent with Wotton’s apology for the loss of Wesel, undated, but sent with previous dispatch of Jan. 12.

Sacred Majesty,

I offer at this time unto your Majesty, with an humble and true heart, my discharge from that damnable report which was bestowed on me touching the town of Wesel, wherein I am so tender of your Majesty’s opinion (which I have long sought to gain in some degree with my poor travails) that the clearness of mine own conscience can give me no rest.

I am not the first whom idle or malicious or casual rumour hath injured. And I consider it as a point rather of glory than disgrace, since therein those mean and unworthy vassals, whom Princes employ in their foreign services, do represent in some sort their masters’ fortunes, as they do in the rest their wills. For your Majesty well remembereth the saying of a great monarch, Regium est ubi bene feceris male audire.^[1] With thus much I have been bold to trouble your Majesty, as a little preface to my defence, that cometh herewith.

Touching the public, I received in the time of my late sickness the copy of the Duke of Neuburg’s letter unto your Majesty, upon which I have made a little commentary for your more particular information. And I have now also, through Mr. Secretary’s hands, given your Majesty an accompt of those formularies which your wisdom conceived proper for the accommodating of this great business^[2]. Wishing your Majesty the fruit of your own excellent conceptions and intents, and many peaceful and happy years added to this, wherein we are lately entered,

252. To James I.

C. C. C. MS. 318, f. 12, transcript. Printed in Archaeol., vol. xl. Wotton’s long-promised explanation about the loss of Wesel has not been preserved among the State papers; there is, however, an unsigned transcript in the library of Corpus Christi College, which is here printed. It is undated, but was evidently sent with the above letters of Jan. 12.

May it please your Sacred Majesty,

Among the papers that we lost in the fatal passage of my secretary, there was a letter unto your Majesty, which if I do not revive, my heart will break, as vessels that are stopped from vent when something boileth in them. The person whom it concerned was myself; the subject was the town of Wesell; the essential question is, by whose default it was lost? Wherein if I do not satisfy your Majesty, I desire never more to behold the face of so just a King, nor of any honest man. But before the rest, it shall be fit to repeat these words, which I received in a letter from Mr. Secretary^[1] by your gracious commandment.

‘Now’ (sayeth he), ‘from his Majesty I am to acquaint you with a report which your last letters en passant do touch, but which to him hath been confidently delivered, that is, the States had with as much vigilancy and expedition prevented the surprise of Wesell, as after they did of Reez and Emerick, had not you, with much assurance, often engaged yourself that the Marquis Spinola would not attempt upon that town; which bruit, though, his Majesty cannot easily believe,’ &c.

First, I was bound unto your Majesty for this particular advertisement, for though I had heard before of some such voice bestowed upon me, yet I could gather it to no head. Next, I yield your Majesty most humble thanks for the reservation of your belief, which I receive as an argument of your favour towards me, though it be a piece of your own usual and natural equity. As for the matter itself, I conceive one special comfort in it, that they who told your Majesty how Wesell was lost by my securing of the States, would perchance likewise have said that I sold the town to the Archdukes, if my honesty had been as questionable as my discretion. But these and the like aspersions are the proper badges of public servants, especially in democratical regiments^[2]; whereof both reason and examples might easily be given, if it did not more concern me at the present to rectify my poor estimation with your Majesty, than to search the nature of the place. Therefore, for mine own discharge, I do here humbly protest unto your Majesty, before the Author of all truth, that I never engaged myself either to the States in general, or to any single man, dead or alive, either by probability or conjecture, or in the least imaginable terms, that the Marquis Spinola would not attempt upon the town of Wesell. So far was I from often assuring them thereof, as some Vorstian spirit^[3] hath traduced me. For I beseech your Majesty to give me leave to ask a few questions in mine own case. How could I give them any such assurance, or whence should I take it? Did I bring any such commission from your Majesty? Did I find any at the Haghe? Did Spinola make me his secretary, or the Archduke his confessor? Had I practised the world with such simplicity to trust Italians or Spaniards in a point of their advantage? Have I purchased before so little credit in the cause of the Religion? Have I been bound to your Majesty so long for your confidence (wherein I joy more than in your benefits), and should I now betray it? Did I send any letter? Did I receive any message that might concern the main service, wherewith they were not here particularly acquainted? And is this a State to be stayed or stirred so lightly by private conceits? God let me not live, if I be not confounded, more with wonder than with other passion, at the monstrous birth of this senseless report.

True it is indeed that, at my second audience^[4], I wished them by way of discourse, ten days before there was any doubt of Wesel, and twenty before it was taken, not to collect their troops till more evident necessity; pressing them rather to a resolution about Juliers (which was focus febris), and doubting that if the Marquis should besiege that place, or seek to block it up, and they oppose him with a formed army, it might hazard rupture, which was against the general scope of mine errand; and Monsieur Barneveld himself (who tendereth^[5] the present quiet) did advise me, the evening before my said audience, to use some such speech as I did unto them. Some week after this, or thereabouts (for I do not precisely remember the day, nor thought I should ever need to record it), Monsieur Barneveld, Sir Joachim of Zeland^[6], and one Licklama of Friseland, were deputed to confer at our houses with Monsieur du Maurier and myself. At which they asked our opinions more respectively than necessarily, whether we thought it fit for them to march; the rumours being then much increased by a bridge^[7] of boats that was built at Bergh^[8], whereby it was concluded that the Marquis intended to pass the Rhene. Did we resist it? I remit that to themselves. Did they ask us perhaps too late? We are not soldiers by profession, but thus much ⟨I⟩ will be bold to pronounce, that Wesel might always have been saved in one day from any of the nearer garrisons of Arnhem, Zutphen, Newmegen, or Skincksconce, as well with an handful of the States’ men as with an army (if the question had been only to save towns and not to take towns); or otherwise the Marquis might have broken the truce, to which point they put him in divers other places. Was there then no colour of raising this voice? I have searched my papers and myself, and I find only a letter from Mr. Trumbal, your Majesty’s agent, unto me, in answer of one which I wrote with knowledge and approbation of the States; wherein he speaketh of suspense or intermission of some four or five days, which he had with much ado obtained of the Archduke Albertus in a private audience; which, whether it were performed or no (as the Count Maurice by precise computation denieth), is now a needless inquiry. Mr. Dickenson can inform your Majesty how far I pressed the Marquis and Monsieur Pechius^[9] the Archdukes’ representant therein. And sure I am, howsoever, that Mr. Trumball did relate hither what he had done with such caution as did not stay them in their proceedings here the running of an hour-glass. There remaineth, therefore, only the question how the town was lost, which might easily have been saved, as appeareth by the promises. Wherein not to keep your Majesty long from the solution of this mystery (for so I might call it, the matter being indeed wrapped in a few clouds of state), what is there more to be said than peccatum tuum in te Israël? The town of Wesell, notwithstanding their long engagement to the Duchy of Cleves, seeking, under pretence of impartiality between the two Princes, to maintain itself in the nature of a free and imperial town, or as near as it might be; much animated with their new fortifications, and little considering the difference between the burghers and soldiers; not distrusting their enemies, and perhaps jealous of their friends, lastly, willing enough to be helped without, but not within, did not only seek no help from whence they might best have had it, but likewise refused the assistance of the Colonel Schombergh, who offered very nobly and timely to levy and to maintain a regiment one month upon his own charge, for their defence, in no other quality than as a gentleman of their own entertainment.^[10]

These were the circumstances, and this was the truth of that action, on my conscience to God and my faith to your Majesty. Wherewith I did charge both the town itself at my being there, and the States of the Provinces, when they came unto us about their immunities at Zanten, where I acquainted them with your Majesty’s royal declaration of yourself in their behalf, though a little too late by the fatality of their own folly, which I likewise have made known in all towns and to all persons where I have passed; and though I am ashamed to seek witness for the discharge of so vile an imputation, and to borrow credit with your Majesty extra me ipsum, yet for the better proof of my sincerity (which was all the inheritance that my good father left me) I most humbly beseech your Majesty to inform yourself of the ambassador of Brandenbourg^[11], now coming to your Court, who hath understood from Monsieur Barneveld’s own mouth the truth of this affair.

I am now confident, notwithstanding my disasters, to have performed all my duties to your Majesty; and I was infinitely comforted that Mr. Secretary, when by your commandment he acquainted me with this report, did with the same pen assure me that your Majesty had undertaken my cause at home in that poor expectative^[12] which I held by your former goodness. It was a double favour in your Majesty both to do it, and to do it towards one that stood in such obloquy, by which you have bound eternally unto you, besides my other natural and long devoted duties,

253. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated, extract. No date, wrongly endorsed ‘about Apr. 1615’, but written before Jan. 20 (see note 2). The sending of commissioners to settle trade disputes; Wotton’s illness.

. . . Touching those commissioners^[1] which his Majesty intendeth to send hither, I will conjoin with them my best endeavours, I hope with good success, because the time doth well favour it. But, on the other side, I must humbly deliver my conceit that I think this open interposition of matter of complaint and difference between us and the States, at this point of time, when we should most agree or most seem to agree, will do some hurt to the general matter, by adding encouragement to the other side upon our distractions. . . .

And this is all wherewith I will now trouble his Majesty, being myself at the present under the hands of the physician and surgeon, upon an extreme torment much like the sciatica, contracted (I know not how) from cold, and sudden changes of the air, and crudities of the wine, and neglect of the beginning, till it doth now so much afflict me that I do even dictate this with pain.^[2] And so, Sir, I wish you more ease, and much happiness.

254. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. The negotiations about trade, and the withdrawal of troops from the Juliers-Cleves territories.

Right Honourable,

For the better discharge of our joint commission we have thought fit to distinguish our labours.

My associates (of whom his Majesty hath in truth made an excellent choice for men very zealous of his honour, and of their own duties) have formed the answers and replies hitherto in writing, ex visceribus causae, which is the part of pain and judgement; and I have assumed the other part of representing unto his Majesty an accompt of their travails, though they have among themselves an abler pen.

Now, touching mine own peculiar charge here. It is the eighth day since I propounded unto the States that expedient which his Majesty had in his wisdom framed for the settling of our present suspensions^[1]; in the representation whereof there was no circumstance omitted that his Majesty’s letters of the 24th of January did enjoin his humble vassal.

Monsieur Barneveld, in the name of the rest, and of the Prince Maurice (who hath been present yet at all my audiences), after many thanks for his Majesty’s continual care of the public, and of them in particular, made answer that it should be put into deliberation, and such respect had of it as became their reverence and obligations towards his Majesty, and the gravity of the subject now in hand. And so he ended his speech with some few preparatives of patience, as his manner is. And accordingly some three days after, Sir Joachim of Zeland and Coenders of Gronigen were by public deputation sent to my house, to tell me that the deputies of the States General had found it necessary to communicate my proposition with the Provinces, whence several deputies were expected here the week following, for other occasions; and therefore they prayed me not to attribute the delay of four or five days more or less to any want of respect towards his Majesty, sithence a point of such weight could not be well concluded without the general assent. This was all the subject of their visitation. The Count Maurice himself hath likewise been with me at mine own lodging, and I have been with Barneveld at his, and there hath passed between us large discourse, sometimes very calm and fair, and sometimes not without a little passion, or at least vehemence; both of them agreeing in the very same objection (which his Majesty toucheth in his foresaid dispatch), namely, that the formulary which the Archdukes had sent his Majesty, and which I now represented unto them, was crambe bis cocta, wherein nothing had been changed but the persons. I told them (as I had done before to the whole body) that his Majesty had very well considered this point, and would never have consented to propound it again (having been once refused) without very due correctives against the malignity thereof, which made it (as he conceived) before so indigestible. I find them upon the whole matter much distracted between a willingness to satisfy his Majesty, and a fear to be deceived by the Spaniard.

255. To Nicholas Pey.

C. C. C. MS. 318, f. 10 (printed, Archaeol., xl), dictated, signature and postscript holograph. Wotton’s explanation about the loss of Wesel accepted by the King.

Sir,

I am so tired with public dispatches that I must take the liberty to ease both you and myself with a better hand. This is only indeed to thank you for such letters as I have heretofore received from you, which were full of love and good advertisement. I was tender to answer them while I stood under black reports; but you may now receive my letters without any fear of contagion, for I am purged of my leprosy, having my assoilment from the King himself.

So you see how the world is changed with me, that whereas heretofore, in some man’s favourable voice, I was perchance allowed the pretence of a little merit, I am now fain to brag of innocency. Well, Sir, I will neither trouble you nor myself any more with these discourses. The substantial point is to have money; for without that bladder we cannot swim. I pray solicit my Lord Treasurer^[1] for me according to those notes that you shall receive from this gentleman. And so, Sir, reckoning myself for many kindnesses much beholden unto you, I rest,

I take it unkindly that you, who were wont to make many starts over unto these Provinces, have stayed that humour since my being here. Well, God send us anywhere cheerfully together. You will easily pardon me that I now write no more unto you, for I hear you officers of the Green Cloth are angry and rebuked.^[2]

256. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated, extract. The negotiations about trade.

. . . I reserve still in my breast his Majesty’s commission, received from you, touching the fishings on the north side of England and Scotland^[1]; it is indeed, as you wrote, a tender and dainty piece, and therefore, though Monsieur Barneveld hath been with me once or twice, and I sundry times with him, yet I have hitherto forborne to touch it, first because you gave me the freedom of taking my time, because there was not periculum in mora; next, for that I was willing first to see what language we should have from them concerning the commerce of the Moluccos^[2] and the Groenland business^[3], from whence I might very fitly glance upon that other (as I mean to take occasion within three or four days), and then your Honour shall hear from me how the point is tasted.

257. To James I.

Reliq., 1st ed., p. 396, no date. Dated ‘1615’ in 3rd ed., p. 280. Wotton sends an account of his negotiations with Clement Edmondes and the two other commissioners, who returned to England about May 6, which is, therefore, the approximate date of this letter. Wotton repeats the substance of this letter in another without address or date (C. C. C. MS. 318; printed, Archaeol., xl).

May it please your Sacred Majesty,

I beseech your Majesty to pardon me a little short repetition, how I have spent my time since my departure from your royal sight, because I glory in your goodness.

I have been employed by your favour in four several treaties, differing in the matter, in the instruments, and in the affections.

The first was for the sequestration of Juliers, wherein I was joined with the French.

The second for the provisional possession of the two pretendents; wherein (contrary to the complaint of the Gospel) the labourers were more than the harvest.

The third was for a defensive league between the United Provinces and the United Princes; who, though they be separate bodies of state, do now by your only mediation make one body of strength.

The fourth was for the composing of some differences between your own and this people, in the matter of commerce; which hath exceeded the other three, both in length and difficulty, for two reasons as I conceive it.

First, through the sensibleness of the subject, which is private utility. Next, because it had a secret commixture of public respects, and those of no light consequence; for surely, it importeth more to let the King of Spaine dispense alone the commodities of the East, than for either of us to want them.

Now of the three former treaties, I have given your Majesty an accompt in divers dispatches, according to my poor apprehensions. As for this last, that they have eased my weakness in the conduct thereof (I mean my good associates, by whose light and leadings I have walked) will ease me likewise, by your gracious leave, in the relation. By them it may please your Majesty to understand in what fair terms we have left it, somewhat resembling to my fancy those women of Nombre de Dios^[1] who (they say) are never brought to bed in the place where they conceive, but bring forth their children in a better air. And so I hope that our travails and unformed conceptions will take life in your own kingdom, which will be more honour to their birth.^[2] For our parts, I dare affirm of these your commissioners, that now return unto the comfort of your gracious aspect, that they have discharged their duties and their consciences with all faithful care of your Majesty’s commandments. I am confident likewise that they will give me their honest testimony; and we are bound jointly to profess unto your Majesty (from whom we receive our estimation) the respects and kindnesses that have been here done us, as your vassals.

And so with my continual prayers to God for your blessed being, I here remain, till your Majesty shall vouchsafe me again the grace of your eyes,

258. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated, extract. The negotiations about the formularies. A duel.

Right Honourable,

This worthy gentleman in his return this way after a painful, but (I hope) a fruitful journey, hath found me here not yet altogether free of a fever that I had newly taken, which maketh me now the more unfit to entertain your Honour with any long discourse, besides my late dispatches, since when the face of our business is nothing changed.^[1] I must be bold to call it, as astronomers do some stars, trepidans negotium. Sometimes it appeareth in constant posture, sometimes it shakes extremely; and the Count Maurice hath lately told me, with much vehemency, that he will give me his head, if ever the Treaty of Xanten be executed on the Archdukes’ part. I know it was but a passionate phrase, and yet I am bound in duty to set it down, of which matters I shall be able to say more within a few days, for we grow now towards the pressing season of action, so as we hope to know quickly what hath been done in Italy,^[2] and what will be done here, which though they be distant places, are very connexed affairs. . . .

Sir Walter Rawley’s son^[3] being come over hither to fight with one Jaye of his own shire upon a quarrel (which they determined to end at Utrecht), myself informed thereof (though to cover their intent they did at Leyden eat together), I have by the Count Maurice his authority caused the said Rawley to be brought hither by Quartermaster Gouldinge, who was employed in it: which I think will rather defer than prevent this evil, for the difference between them is irreconcilable, Jaye having some four or five months since been dangerously hurt by the other in a private chamber, and Rawley being so far from avoiding the challenge, that (as it is thought) he hath only gotten leave to travel for this purpose. But I will trouble you, Sir, no longer with these private advertisements; therefore committing you to God’s blessed favour I rest,

259. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph. Wotton recommends Franceso Biondi to Winwood.

Right Honourable,

I will take the boldness to recommend humbly unto your favour this Italian gentleman, by name Francesco Biondi, who hath been long devoted unto his Majesty, and to the service of our State and Church, and was, in the time of the variance between the Pope and the Signory of Venice, sent unto the King, by the best persons of that place, with some good propositions.^[1] In which business he carried himself with such discretion and zeal, as I had commandment to allow him a yearly provision there of one hundred pounds, which afterwards his Majesty, very graciously and willingly, and I may in truth say, not undeservedly, did confirm unto him by patent for his life. This is all his fortune, for his conscience hath separated him from his other friends and means. He accompanied me hither (by his Majesty’s good leave) with no intention at first of so long stay, which hath been drawn on with continual hope of mine own speedier return, till now his particular occasions recall him before me. I have here in the meantime (as your Honour knoweth by my former dispatches) made some public use of his abilities in employing of him to Bruxells, and other occasions that have concerned the Duke of Savoy.

I will now deliver him unto your honourable hands. He is the King’s, he is a stranger, he is of sound religion, and can give a good accompt of it. He is of as clear and trusty conversation as the world can yield. Lastly, he hath been well seasoned with learning, and trained in public affairs from his first years of practice and judgement. By all which attributes he may in some sort challenge your support and favour, but by nothing more than by your own humanity; to which likewise (though with less merit) commending myself, I ever rest

Sir, I have nothing to say unto your Honour touching the public, till some new matter from the Kings or from the Archdukes.

260. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated. Postscript and signature, holograph. Sent by Richard Seymer (ante, ii, p. 54). Wotton asks that a promised supplement to his allowance might be paid him.

Right Honourable,

I was heartily glad by Mr. Dowriche^[1] to receive so full an assurance under your own hand of your affection towards me, which doth embolden me at the present to make unto you a very serious request. It is that you will be pleased to authenticate with your approbation the enclosed demand of 20s. per diem above my entertainment expressed in his Majesty’s Privy Seal, which was promised me, both by yourself and by my Lord Chamberlain, at the time of my dispatch, upon the urging of other men’s examples, and mine own, who had five pounds a day during my employment to Savoye in the same quality as I am now here; and it cannot stand with the equity of his Majesty’s grace to make me inferior to myself.

I hope likewise at my return to obtain some reasonable proportion for espial money, as I have had in my former journeys. But this other I now demand, because the year is out since the date of my Privy Seal. And though the present time be not very abundant at home, yet I beseech you, Sir, let not that respect hinder your present charitableness towards me, for I desire only your approbation of my demand, as an address to my Lord Treasurer, which both you have power to do by your place, and justice in yourself; and for the receipt I must have patience, till the exchequer be fuller. It is but £365 in all, for as painful and as chargeable a year as I think was ever spent, except yours of the truce.^[2]

Now, if there did need arguments, I would say, as I may rightly, that my other extraordinary charge at Santen was set down by me far under foot,^[3] in consideration of this supplement, which I now demand. I could urge more reasons, but I had rather acknowledge it from his Majesty’s mere bounty, and from your own friendly regard of me. And so, Sir, I commit you to God’s blessed protection and love.

Sir, I beseech you in this case to compassionate a poor man whose fortunes shall wait upon you.

261. To Sir Edmund Bacon.

Letters to B., p. 44. Sir Edmund Bacon in London. Wotton’s dislike of his mission at the Hague.

Sir,

I hear a little voice that you are come to London, which to me is the voice of a nightingale; for since I cannot enjoy your presence, I make myself happy with your nearness; and yet now, methinks, I have a kind of rebellion against it, that we should be separated with such a contemptible distance. For how much I love you, mine own heart doth know; and God knoweth my heart. But let me fall into a passion: for what sin, in the name of Christ, was I sent hither among soldiers, being by my profession academical, and by my charge pacifical? I am within a day or two to send Cuthberd^[1] my servant home, by whom I shall tell you divers things. In the meanwhile, I have adventured these few lines, to break the ice of silence; for in truth, it is a cold fault. Our sweet Saviour bless you.

My hot love to the best niece of the world.

262. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph. The omission of the Kings’ names from the formularies.

Right Honourable,

By the opportunity of this worthy gentleman’s passage into England, I hold it my duty to acquaint his Majesty that as yet there is no order come (as far as I can understand) to Mons. du Maurier to join with me about the omission of the regal names in the promise.^[1] But they are here advertised that he shall have commandment to that purpose, and if it arrive, then I am sure that the States must yield thereunto, or stand alone. In the meanwhile their General Assembly approacheth, which must be our critical day. This week we look for our best heads here again, who have been a while in dispersion, and at pleasure abroad. His Excellency, as you may know by the short leave of this bearer, expecteth alarms; but in other opinions the year is too forward for to dream of a leaguer. Only I am afraid that if the towns shall remain in the hands of each side one winter more, the very sweetness and length of possession will increase the appetite. This is all that I have to say at the present. When Mons. Barneveld shall return, who (as you know) animateth this place, my matter will increase, and my judgement upon the future. Till when I leave you, Sir, in God’s blessed love.

263. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Sent by Albertus Morton. No news yet from France.

Right Honourable,

This morning at ten of the clock Monsieur du Maurier came to my house, and passed with me some words of this kind: that a good while had run since he was last with me, out of continual expectation of some new commandment from Fraunce about the public business; which not yet arriving, he could no longer well abstain from visiting of me. This was the compliment, at which in truth I was more amazed than I hope he could spy in my face. For at my last being with him, he had promised to come immediately unto me, as soon as he should receive charge about the omission of his master’s name in the promise; which, by his now coming, I had well hoped to have been very seasonably sent him, especially having both by your own last letters, and divers times from Bruxelles, been advertised that the French King had yielded that point: which finding now otherwise, doth much trouble my imagination to conjecture either the impediment or the reason. True it is (and upon this I will venture more than ambassadors are wont to do upon the affirmations of ambassadors) that Mons. du Maurier hath, till this very day, received no farther from his King, than only to sound the Count Maurice and Mons. Barneveld how far they would like of such a proposition.

264. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, dictated. Wotton’s departure from the Hague.

Right Honourable,

I departed from the Haghe^[1] on our Bartholomew day, very early in the morning. The Prince Maurice, with his brother the Count Henry and others, accompanying me as far as the bridge of Riswicke, where he first received me. I bring from him and from the States many great professions towards his Majesty, and I am bound (for mine own particular) upon the whole matter and manner to believe them. Of this I shall render the King an accompt at mine own arrival, who finding at Rotterdam the wind very contrary against us, both for the issuing out of the Mose, and for the passage to Zeeland, have taken the other way by Antwerp to Cales, therein somewhat favouring myself, who am an ill seaman, though I have much haunted that element.

Now, before mine own coming, I have thought fit to adventure these lines by this post, who perchance may prevent me. They are only to tell his Majesty that at the compliments of my departure with Mons. du Maurier, he touched very earnestly a piece of news which had been sent him (as it seemed by express order) from Paris; namely, that a certain gentleman of title had been dispatched from the Prince of Condé^[2] to his Majesty, for the imploring of his assistance in these broken times there; which he said he assured himself his Majesty would not embrace, both in his wisdom and in his justice, being a direct opposition to sovereignty, though otherwise coloured with beautiful pretexts. I answered that I had heard nothing of it, and was now more busy to collect the accompts of mine own time spent here.

But well I knew that there was no Prince nor private man under heaven, of a juster heart than the King my master, as had clearly appeared unto the world in his whole proceedings; and so I left it. The rest I bring with me; and in the meanwhile I humbly commit your Honour to God’s blessed love,

265. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Holland, holograph, undated, but endorsed ‘Sept. 1615’, and written after Wotton’s return from the Hague, and before his access to the King on Sept. 10. He forwards a letter from the States to James I.

Right Honourable,

If I had not received your favourable letter by my nephew this night, I had been with you to-morrow; but I will now take the ease which you give me, and attend the King on Sunday at Waynsteade, unless I be otherwise advertised from you.

In the meanwhile I beseech you, Sir, to acquaint his Majesty with my arrival here, and to present unto his royal hands the enclosed letter from the States,^[1] which they hope will give him some satisfaction, for they have in it set down all the reasons of their own jealousy, and of the tenderness of their proceedings. And I have thought fit to send it before the King shall command mine own access, that his Majesty may be the better prepared to move any doubts upon the whole matter, wherein I presume that I shall be able to yield him some contentment. And so I rest

266. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph, undated. Wotton writes to ask that Winwood would pass his accounts for his Dutch embassy. As the warrant to pay him was issued in Oct., 1615, this letter was probably written at about that time.

Right Honourable,

Notwithstanding a little febrous indisposition which I have felt within these three or four days, I had attended you at Royston, but that I stood expecting when the new Venetian ambassador^[1] should have access to the King, which himself likewise expecteth, having therein used Sir Lewis Leukonar^[2]. If his audience be speedy, I will accompany him thither as a point of due respect. If not, I shall wait on you there before him. In the meantime I have sent this my servant humbly to beseech your Honour to give expedition there unto my Privy Seals, and to honour me with your attestation about the 20s. per diem which was promised me, and which I may very justly demand both by mine own and by others’ example.^[3] And I beseech you, Sir, both in your wisdom and in your love towards me, to handle it so favourably that his Majesty may not conceive it to be a suit.

I will study some ways to return you an accompt of your kindnesses, and I will ever rest

267. To James I.

Reliq., 1st ed., p. 447, undated, but written after Wotton’s return from the Hague (see note 1), and perhaps in the autumn of 1615. Wotton begs the King to have his grant for a moiety of a Six Clerk’s place confirmed.

To his Sacred Majesty,

I do humbly resume the ancient manner, which was adire Caesarem per libellum: with confidence in the cause, and in your Majesty’s gracious equity, though not in mine own merit.

During my late employment, Sir E. P., then Master of the Rolls, died^[1]. By his death Sir Julius Caesar claimed not only the succession of that place, but the gift of all the clerkships of the Chancery, that should fall void in his own time.

Of these clerkships your Majesty had formerly granted two reversions; the one to the late Lord Bruce, for which Mr. Bond, secretary to my Lord Chancellor, had contracted with him; the second to me. The said Bond got his grant, through the favour of his master, to be confirmed by Sir Julius Caesar before his entrance into the Rolls; but through my absence in your Majesty’s service, and want of pressing it in the due season, my grant remained unconfirmed, though your Majesty was pleased to write your gracious letter in my behalf. Which maketh me much bewail mine own case, that my deserts were so poor, as your royal mediation was of less value for me, than my Lord Chancellor’s for his servant. The premisses considered, my humble suit unto your Majesty is this, that Sir Julius Caesar may be drawn by your supreme authority to confirm unto me my reversion of the second clerkship, whereof I have a patent under your great seal. Wherein I have just confidence in your Majesty’s grace, since your very laws do restore them that have been any ways prejudiced in servitio regis.

268. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton’s crossing from Dover.

Right Honourable,

After we had been beaten back from sea to Dover, and there imprisoned three days with mists and contrary winds, we arrived this Easter Tuesday at night in the Roman style^[1] all well in Donkercke, where I find four companies remaining of the late Spanish supply that came by sea, the rest diversely garrisoned in the country, and all new clothed (as there was good cause) by order from Bruxelles. Mr. Nevil^[2], who took the title of Westmerland, and was wont to hover in this place, is now at Iper.^[3]

There is some curiosity here among the Spaniards (as I understand) in inquiring after the progress of Virginia and the Bermudes; and they have gotten a little vent already of Sir Walter Rawleigh’s project.^[4] This accompt I thought fit to give you of mine own landing, and these other menudencias, till I can charge my paper with some heavier stuff.

I have understood, since my departure from London, that my stay there was somewhat uncharitably represented unto the King, as he were a miserable man that should lack an adversary in a Court. But I rely in this and the rest upon your favourable protection of me. And I can say this for myself, that after I had moneys, and the Queen’s leave and letters, I lost not the running of an hour-glass. And so, Sir, I commit you and ourselves to the providence and love of our good God.

I have sent a cipher, according to your Honour’s direction, to Mr. Moore, which my solicitor will deliver him.

269. To James I.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton’s visit to the Court of the Elector Palatine.

Sacred Majesty,

For those things which I have treated with the Count Palatine,^[1] they will best appear unto your Majesty out of the papers that come herewith, and shall be from time to time more particularly discoursed, as I pass or rest in those places where they are to take their effect. In the meanwhile I am much comforted that I carry with me good matter to exercise that honest and humble zeal which I owe your Majesty and the public cause. Touching your particular service, first, your Majesty doth now likewise receive, among the other papers, a relation of mine endeavours in Colonia for the discovery of the author of that execrable libel intituled Corona Regia^[2].

Next, having in this Court, for your Majesty’s sake, been as kindly and as confidently used, both in conversation with the Elector and with your royal daughter, and withal their counsellors and principal servants, as I think any hath been before me, it is my duty to give your Majesty an accompt of the place, which I will discharge according to my capacity, in all humble freedom. First, it is a Court of great sobriety, and of very regular provision and attendance. The Prince himself had now, for his own entertainment, not above three or four titular men of any proportion with his years; but some were for a while retired (as they told us) to enjoy the pleasure of the season at their own possessions. I do not find the Count Palatine, in the judgement of my eye, much grown since your Majesty saw him, either in height or breadth, though there be a common opinion of the first. Par boutades he is merry, but for the most part cogitative or (as they here call it) malincolique.^[3] [His chiefest object is money, and one principal delight architecture.^[4]] My Lady, your gracious daughter, retaineth still her former virginal verdure in her complexion and features, though she be now the mother of one of the sweetest children^[5] that I think the world can yield.

[Between this Prince and my Lady there do pass in outward view rather kind than amorous demonstrations, according to the solemnness of the Court. For I understand otherwise, from the nearest interpreters intelligence (which is her Highness’ own self), that his nature is not of itself froward and impliable.^[6]] The domestic differences which, in the beginning and some good while after, grew by the emulation of servants, seem now to be as well settled as they can be in a Court, and by no means more than by the severing of the nations at their ordinary diet; the English and Scottish eating together and the Allemans apart. Only of late there fell out (as I have been here informed) in their invitement to the Court of Wirtenberg, much disputation about the placing of her Highness, for that, according to the severity of the German form, both princes and others do sit in public feasts above their wives. But having understood that the Count Palatine did, at that assembly likewise, as always at home, yield my Lady your royal daughter the best place, and yet rather by way of convenience for that time only, than as an example that should stand, I found myself bound in my own zeal, besides my Lady’s commandment, provisionally to sound the Count Palatine about that point; telling him byway of collaudation^[7] that I intended to advertise your Majesty what respect he had deferred^[8] to your royal name, by maintaining your daughter’s dignity, as well in the Court of Wirtenberg, as in his own palace within our sights, which I assured myself your Majesty would take, though it were a point otherwise of right, as proceeding from his kindness.

Hereupon he was somewhat troubled, but resuming his spirits and that resolution which he seemeth to have taken from others’ impressions, he fell plainly to tell me that though indeed he had done it at Wirtenberg, yet he could do it no more; that it was against the custom of the whole country; that all the Electors and Princes found it strange; that it would turn to his own diminution, which he hoped your Majesty would not desire; that Kings’ daughters had been matched before in his race, and with other German princes, but still placed under their husbands in public feasts; that in the German ground he did compete with the Kings of Denmark and Sweden; and some other things of this kind.^[9] I replied, that as I conceived your Majesty would have been glad of the contrary resolution, so I feared you would be too sensible of this; that it had been better to have denied my Lady her place in the beginning, than to retrench it, when she had kept the possession both in his own palace and abroad; that I thought he could no way prejudice himself by honouring his wife; that he might assure himself that your Majesty did desire his increase and not his diminution, having of your good wishes so dear a pledge about him; that my Lady was not to be considered only as the daughter of a King, like the daughters of Fraunce, but did carry in her person the possibility of succession to three crowns; that she had now brought him a delicate child, and was likely to bring him more, and therefore did merit the kinder respect. These motives and others I laid before him in the fairest manner; but in conclusion, seeing him for the present otherwise resolved, I besought him to represent his reasons unto your Majesty by Colonel Schönbergh^[10], who, for this and other causes, was determined to pass speedily into your Court; which he said he would do.

And being now fallen upon the mention of that Colonel, I must, both by my own most assured information here from others, and by her Highness’ particular and serious commandment, give your Majesty this accompt of him. That he is the only sincere and resolute friend that she hath found since her being here; that without his continual vigilance and power with the Prince, she had been much prejudiced both in her dignity and the rest; not so much by the Prince his own motions, as by the infusions of others, and particularly (as I conceive) of the old Electress^[11]; that your Majesty, as her most dear and loving father, is tied for her sake to acknowledge it unto him; that she will express by him so much in her own letters, and he will bring your Majesty sufficient testimony of his own actions in writing; that whereas he hath written a letter unto your Majesty unadvisedly upon a mistaking (with which by your commandment I have acquainted my Lady), she humbly beseecheth your Majesty to attribute it to his error, and not to any want of zeal in your service, whereof she had made so singular proofs. This I must repeat again unto your Majesty, that I write by her special direction. In conclusion, she humbly beseecheth your Majesty in your gracious wisdom, so to handle him at his arrival in your presence, that he may be contented, for the settling of her affairs, to abide some longer time in this Court, though by divers provocations and offence, of the greatest part for her sake, he hath been moved and in himself resolved to be gone. There is another likewise, by name Mons. Plessen^[12], who hath been very ready in all good offices towards your Majesty and yours, whereof her Highness beggeth that you will be pleased in your goodness to take notice. And thus stand the affairs of this Court at the present, as far as in particular concern your royal service; which I have delivered with the same liberty that I conceive to become your humble and zealous vassal.

Touching your Majesty’s respect towards your royal daughter, in giving her the choice of one of those whom you shall be pleased to nominate for her conversation, she receiveth it as an argument of your tender affection, and beseecheth your Majesty that she may be furnished with one of no lesser quality than the former^[13], nor much different in age; because otherwise she will be unfit to accompany her in her disports^[14] abroad, and perhaps likewise be the less plausible at home. She also rendereth your Majesty most humble thanks for your gracious care in providing a secretary for her, whom she expecteth at your good pleasure.^[15]

And so having discharged my duties in this place, I end with my continual prayers to Heaven for the glory and safety of your sacred person and crowns, humbly resting,

270. To James I?

S. P. Ven., transcript, unsigned, no date; sent with above dispatch. Wotton’s attempt to discover the author of the Corona Regia.

A Relation of the Cause of my Stay Four Days in Colonia.

At Antwerp, where Mr. Trumbal^[1] met me, besides other informations of the common affairs of those provinces, wherein we had both travailed, I received from him an address to one Bilderbeck in Colonia, who is a man of confidence with the Count Palatin and the States, and seemeth to be an instrument of good abilities. From him I was to inquire after a certain printer lately fugitive from Louvane, and now inhabitant in that town, by name Christophorus Flavius. The scope was to draw from him who had been the author of that base lying pamphlet intituled Corona Regia.^[2] The difficulty was, how in so short a time, being but a passenger, I might work this insinuation. About it were spent four days, in which time the said Bilderbeck and myself resolved to address Frederick Gurckfeld my secretary, by nation an High Alleman (as the said printer is likewise), and thereby to gain some confidence with a tale unto him to this substance. ‘That Monsieur Barcklay^[3], at his departure from London, had consigned unto the trust of my said secretary’ (who was to pretend much inwardness with him) ‘certain satirical observations of his own touching the Court and Church of England, which he was desirous to publish in the same character, and by the same printer who had heretofore printed the works of Puteanus in Lovane’ (this was Flavius), ‘whom missing there, and understanding from Puteanus of his being in Colonia, he was come thither with those papers to discharge the trust of his friend.’

This message was so contrived with mention both of Barcklay and Puteanus, the two suspected persons, that Flavius, upon the naming of them, might be drawn to bewray something unto my secretary, if not in his speech, yet at least in his face. But he was so far from unlocking of himself, that he fell to a very serious dehortation of my said secretary from meddling in any such matter, which for his own part, he had ever abhorred. True it was indeed that he had been slandered to have been the printer of a late book against the King of Great Britannie; but most falsely (said he), as may appear by the very character, which is French, and by the first dispersers thereof in Lovane and Bruxelles, which were certain Frenchmen that sold wafers, and carried some of the copies up and down in boxes on their backs. That none could be the author of that book but he that had composed the Euphormionem^[4], by congruity of the style. As for Puteanus, he was too discreet and too modest to put his hand to such things. That for his own person, he was not retired to Colonia for fear of that calumniation, having stayed long in Lovane after the complaint was made against him; but he was come to Colonia, where there was more employment of the press than in Brabant. By this we may see how this rascal’s confessor had sealed and seared his conscience. For that Flavius was the printer of the book, we have the testimony of Henry Tailor, Englishman, who did assist him to compose the letters.

Now touching the author; Mr. Trumbal thinketh Puteanus to have done it with the help of the English Jesuits at Lovane. But for my part, I do almost assure myself that it was Barckley, by collection upon these circumstances following. First he sold his pension in England at a very small rate, somewhat like a desperate man. Then he goes immediately to Rome, and there, before he had been at any inn, speaketh with the Spanish ambassador and the Cardinal Bellarmine. By the Cardinal he was the next day brought to the Pope, and hath a lodging on the back side of Belvedere, which is the Pope’s palace, and an annual pension of a hundred and fifty pound sterling, or thereabouts. These particulars I have from one who was in Rome at his arrival, knew him and observed him well, and got good information of those passages. Now upon the whole matter; in a conjectural subject I must confess I cannot conceive (who am well acquainted with the fashion of Rome) how he could be so suddenly reconciled to the Pope, or how he should dare to put himself into his hand without some work against the King of Great Britannie, to counterpoise that which his father^[5] and himself had written before in defence of the temporal authority.

271. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton’s journey to Heidelberg and route to Turin.

Right Honourable,

What I have treated with the Count Palatine, and how well it hath been tasted by him, will appear unto your Honour out of the enclosed to the King. In Colonia I stayed four days, in Heidelbergh six. In the rest of the journey, we made as much haste as our horses would suffer in sandy ways and hot weather, besides some infirmity in ourselves, through which I have left one of my principal servants behind me sick of a dangerous fever, the want of whom, because he was a practised man, hath much incommodated me. When I arrive at Basilea, which will be within these four days, I intend to dispatch my secretary and my luggage to Venice by the nearest line, that I may march myself the lighter over the Alps through the Swissers and the Valesiens. We have met with a voice on the way, that Piemont is in new motion.^[1] If I find it so when I approach nearer, I shall somewhat doubt what course to take. All the news which I know of Germanie is that Clesel^[2], the negotious^[3] Bishop of Vienna, is at last cardinalated, and likely to prove another Madrutz^[4], if the Emperor give him leave to practise the Roman Court. But of these things hereafter; I will now end with my prayers to God for your health and happiness.

I humbly beseech you, Sir, to acquaint my nephew Albertus^[5] before his coming, with my letter to the King, which will give him some taste of the Palatine Court. I must likewise remember your Honour of your promise to this poor man, who hath taken good pains with me.

272. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., dictated. Wotton’s journey over the Alps, and arrival at Turin.

Right Honourable,

You see by the enclosed to his Majesty how opportunely I came hither, and by these I would fain tell you how painfully, but we can scant express it. Sure I am that never journey was more lengthened nor more incommodated by accident. For till I came to Bassill, I knew not that Bearn and Friburg were infected, which put me to a circuit of two or three days; and passing forward alla buona, at last we understand that the plague was dispersed through the whole Valesia, through which we had designed to pass over the Mount St. Bernardo Majore. This was una gran sbrigliata, and much more, when we understood that Geneva itself and the villages about it were also infected, which hindered us to pass the nearest way to Chambery, and forced us to put ourselves and horses at hazard over the Leman lake, and so to traverse Savoy, by such rocks and precipices as I think Hannibal did hardly exceed it when he made his way (as poets tell us) with fire and vinegar.

Now, for public matter, I shall little need to write anything to your Honour from hence. First, because in the enclosed to his Majesty I have delivered all that I can yet say.^[1] Next, because his Majesty is here served by his ordinary agent^[2] with great sufficiency. The contemplation of whose pains and expenses doth, I protest in very conscience, make me pass farther than his own modesty in wishing that, by your favourable means (upon which we all depend), he may have some increase of his entertainment, or at least some ayuda de costa^[3], as they term it.

It were after this uncharitable to forget myself, and therefore I humbly beseech you, Sir, to be still my noble friend. And so God keep you in His gracious love.

I humbly beseech your Honour to acquaint my lord my brother with this letter, having at the present no time to write to any of my friends, which shall be redeemed at Venice.

273. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., dictated. Wotton’s arrival in Venice. Affairs of Venice.

Right Honourable,

This is only to give you knowledge that I arrived here on the last of May in our style. Of the impediments on the way through businesses and other accidents, I gave his Majesty an accompt from Heidelbergh and Turino.^[1] Here I find by sundry private congratulations that I am not unwelcome, though I have yet had no public reception.^[2] For the house which Sir Dudly Carleton left me was not fit for me in many respects, and therefore I have spent these few days in preparing and furnishing of another; which done, I must signify, according to the custom of the place, that I will be in some of their little islands at a certain hour, and there they will come to receive me. The affairs of Istria^[3] stand yet in termini crudi, and the issue invisible, so as the season seemeth very proper to propound the matter which I bring with me touching those outward collegations. For believe it, Sir, it is a time to knit knots. In my next and so forward weekly, his Majesty shall receive a better reckoning of this part of the world. Here I have received your letter of the 9th of April, sent me in the packet of the State by their residents with the Swissers; by which country I had no possible passage, through the contagion dispersed in sundry of the Helvetian and Valesien villages, which put us to the most troublesome and perilous travel that ever I had before, though this be the eleventh time that I have passed the Alps.^[4] But touching the business of your said letter, I hope you have, before the receipt of this, perceived by my dispatch from Turino, that there the Duke, myself, and the Venetian ambassador, among other serious discourses, spent no small time about the matter of the Grisons, which, though it be a most contemptible and venial State, yet are they surely at the present one of the greatest vexations of this Commonwealth.^[5] And so, Sir, till my next I leave you in God’s blessed love.

274. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton’s illness; an Italian bishop imprisoned; Lord Dingwall.

Right Honourable,

I must crave pardon to pass over this week likewise with few words, having newly buried one of my company, and four or five of the rest being sick at the present, besides myself, who have been since my last, till this very day, for the most part in my bed, and am much weakened with sweats, which are cheap in this air; yet among these domestic distractions I cannot but advertise his Majesty of a piece of news that I have from Rome. The Bishop of Civita Nova of the province of Calabria, having in the expedition of a suit received ill satisfaction from the Pope, and lamenting at his own house that he would go serve the King of England, from whom he hoped for more favour, was by some of his servants traduced for these words, and is cast into the prison of the Inquisition. You see how proditorious^[1] and spiteful that filthy Court is.

Here they have appointed to treat with my Lord Dingwall^[2] a senator of the best reputation and of good affections. In my next his Majesty shall have a large accompt of these things. And so, Sir, God give you the health that we wish ourselves.

275. To James I.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton’s illness; Dr. Marta’s plan for a council of Greek bishops. Sarpi’s History of the Council of Trent. De Dominis going to England.

May it please your most sacred Majesty,

As I am confident in your Majesty’s pardon, though you have hitherto received nothing but the story of our infirmities, so it is now time to yield so gracious a master some fruit of our breathing and being, and of the health that God hath restored us; having in the meantime, like the fishermen of these lagune, only prepared our nets and our hooks to catch somewhat hereafter; so as I hope your Majesty shall not want intelligence, either from this place of my residence, or from Rome itself, where I have planted some good correspondence, being in truth the centre of all practice. Now it falleth out at this beginning that I must represent unto your Majesty a strange proposition, which Dr. Marta^[1] hath put into my hand, who, upon the first noise of my arrival at Turino, sent a letter thither to invite me, if I should come by Padoa, to lie at his house; which I was willing to attribute rather to his courtesy than vanity, though it seemed unto me the very direct way to make himself unable to do your Majesty any service hereafter; for surely your Majesty can draw little use from open devotion in this country.

When I was here arrived, in the midst of mine own indisposition, and of my company (who were almost all decumbents^[2]), he came hither with much eagerness to speak with me about some important purpose, as he let me know. I admitted him, though at that time by distemper tied to my bed, when among other things he told me that he was desirous to bring unto me two worthy personages, one Zacharias Bernadoviz, elected Bishop of Leopoli^[3], and one Francesco, Conte of Mnisek, Captain of Sanoka, whose sister was married to the Emperor of Moscovia; with which men he had treated, and now well digested, a business of marvellous consequence and utility for your Majesty in particular, and in general for all other Christian princes. This was a council of Greek bishops (whereof more than a hundred had already subscribed their names), to be assembled I know not where. But at that assembly was to be concluded the devolution of the Pope’s authority to the Patriarch of Constantinople; there was likewise to be examined the whole Canon Law and the Councils of Florence and Trente, where the suffrages were not free, and lastly the new doctrine of deposing of kings, &c. My answer unto him was to this substance, ‘that I found myself at the present unfit to think of so great matters; and besides many eyes being upon me here, and many commentaries built in men’s fancies upon my return, because I had been here before in time of difference between this State and the Pope, I desired him to pardon me if I did not speak with those persons; and the rather for that a little rumour was, I know not how, whispered in the town that Dr. Marta was come to confer some great thing with me.’ Hereupon, being a little troubled, he fell to tell me, sometimes that those men would then repair unto your Majesty, sometimes that he would go himself, and sometimes that they would join in the journey. Wherein observing him to tumble up and down with inconstancy of judgement, I yielded for the present so far as to think it fitter to be handled in your own royal presence than with me. But yet I wished him first to consult with your wisdom by letter, what it would best please you to have done in it. And in the meanwhile I intended, as I have done, to take the opinions of Maestro Paulo and Fulgentio, both of the man and of the matter. Touching the Doctor himself, they say that besides the ordinary vanity of almost all Neapolitans, he hath his own natural and peculiar part thereof; that he is full of penury and projects, whereof the scope is rather gain than zeal; that he hath been seldom at any time contented with his present condition; that he is a man indeed both of experience and capacity, and applicable enough to some good uses, but small foundation to be made upon his promises, and least of all upon this which he hath now projected, which they esteem a very vast and idle conception, both for the impossibility of collecting those Greek bishops into any one place, and of any fruit that can come of it, being a body of straggling, beggarly and most ignorant men, and altogether unfit to handle propositions even of common knowledge, besides their addiction and contumacy in their own superstitions, as much as the most corrupted part of the Latin Church. Which things considered, they conclude that this proposition of the Doctor is a very chimera of his own hatching, and that the names of the bishops which, he sayeth, have subscribed, are forged in his brains.

Thus I have delivered plainly unto your Majesty their opinions, and withal I here send the Doctor’s letter and the list of his Greeks; to which nation, if your Majesty shall but once open your arm of protection, I must crave the liberty to think that all the colleges and hospitals of your kingdoms will not hold them. The Doctor seemeth extremely desirous of an answer, and pretendeth that he hath sweat in this business these two years, whereof he hath likewise given you some former accompt by your agent at Turino. I hope by mine own poor invention, or by the advice of your Majesty’s confidence, to employ him in some things of more use and possibility. In the meanwhile I do continue unto him your Majesty’s bounty, and I have by your appointment given him good liberty to transport what he shall think fit, out of any of his own former writings, to a work that he hath now in hand; which licence he seemeth to have required from your Majesty by Sir Dudley Carleton, and he promiseth some notable thing shortly. This is all that I have to say about the present subject. And so, with my humble prayers committing your sacred person to God’s continual protection and love, I rest,

The book of Maestro Paolo touching the Council of Trent is newly finished. It containeth many rare things never discovered before, and surely will be of much benefit to the Christian Church, if it may be published both in Italian and Latin. Whereunto the author, upon your Majesty’s persuasion, doth well incline; but I have not yet received his full resolution, which peradventure doth somewhat depend upon the resolution which he will take about his own person.^[4]

The Archbishop of Spalatro^[5] is resolved to endure no longer the idolatrous fooleries of this Church, but will within a week or such a matter begin his journey towards your Majesty; of whose favour I have given him fresh assurance, and I think his departure will breed much noise, being a person of such quality, and of singular gravity and knowledge.

276. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., dictated. Signature and postscript in Wotton’s hand. James I to be cautioned about speaking of Sarpi and Fulgenzio on account of the Pope’s spies.

Right Honourable,

This enclosed^[1] to the King (whether charged with light or weighty matter) doth need your explication in transitu by the cipher which is in Mr. Moore’s hand. I beseech your Honour (as I am moved by those whom it concerneth) to deal with his Majesty in the deepest degree of secrecy that may be about these persons. For it is certain that every time that the King doth name them inter plures, it is taken up and sent, I know not by what vents and conducts^[2], to Rome, and afterwards doth reflect hither. This is most true, even in the smallest and inconsiderablest things; and it is easy to be believed, when, according to a precise and curious piece of advertisement which I have from Rome, there are deputed 50,000 crowns yearly out of the Apostolic Chamber, as they call it, for spies at the tables of princes; besides the particular intelligence of Jesuits and their lay adherents, for which the Pope payeth nothing. This your Honour receiveth by a son^[3] of Sir Julius Caesar, to whom I have committed it, rather than to the ordinary conveyance, because it seemed unto me a packet of some moment. And so wishing his Majesty and all his the more happily health, by the sense of our own infirmities, I humbly rest,

I humbly beseech you, Sir, to grace this young traveller with his Majesty, which you know how to do in the best manner.

277. To Sir Dudley Carleton.

S. P. Ven., Postscript to letter of Sept. 2. Wotton’s house in Venice.

My Lord,

I have given that party upon your accompt already 300 ducats, and will give him the remainder within three or four days, as you shall then better perceive by his acquittance. He is indeed a person, as you advised me, to be kept at hard diet, and in my opinion one of the vainest men of the world.^[1]

I refused (or rather my secretary before my arrival) your house in Canal Regio, not so much for the greatness of the rent (which the landlord would unconscionably have increased), as for the farness from the piazze, wherein, when I was lodged on the other side by St. Hieronimo, I found in truth much inconvenience. I am now singularly fitted, having concluded with Signor Gussoni for his house on the Canal Grande^[2], which is one of the fairest in Venice, and withal for his villa at Noventa^[3], which I had before. I pay 460 ducats for both; the villa finely furnished, and the castaldo paid by him. There your Lordship may imagine me towards the end of this month, pressing of my grapes.

278. To Sir Dudley Carleton.

S. P. Ven., dictated. Wotton’s illness; the affairs of Venice; the Duke of Savoy arming.

My very good Lord,

Although I am glad always of your writings, yet I must confess I should have been much ashamed to receive by this last ordinary so friendly an alarm, if I had not prevented your Lordship with two of mine; for it was my duty to begin, even in the severest court of punctualists, besides that our love and fellowship are not bound to those fantastical laws. I do give your Lordship many thanks both for the vessel and the ballast, having indeed not seen before any report of that great trial^[1], save in pieces. By your letter I see that as in our reciprocal interchanges of places, and in the beginning of our journeys (for I was repulsed from sea as I heard you were), so we conform together likewise too much in infirmities of body. For I have myself, since my coming, been twice a decumbent, and almost all my family been sick of single and double tertians, or some such thing; whereof I have lost two, an old faithful servant, and a physician, whom I took with me rather for conversation than counsel. For your Lordship knoweth that there is otherwise here both sickness and physic enough. Those that are gone are with God, and we that remain are at His gracious pleasure, running our course honestly, which will be our reward, and is our present comfort among these tricks of State that we every day contemplate.

Some little ease it is to see that politic bodies have their diseases and distempers as well as natural. For in truth, my Lord, both this State where I now am and all Italy is at the present very sick. We are afraid here that the Duke of Savoy will make his peace, and we are as much afraid that he will make war, and so trouble the whole. There goeth therefore a great deal of skill to keep him with money and other comforts in a mediocrity. But he is gone so forward already, that I do not see how he can well be drawn back or stayed. For sure it is that on the twenty-sixth of the last month, he did at Turino inarborare (as they call it) the general standard, mustered his army to the number of 18,000 foot and 2,500 horse, dispersed 8,000 of them and 500 horse in garrisons, took with him the remainder in the field, and did publicly protest that he would either uscire di vita ò di questi travagli di Spagnuoli.^[2] His army likewise increaseth every day with the French, to the wonder of the world how he can feed them. Between which things it were long to tell your Lordship how basely, how spitefully, how scornfully, and (as some add) how heretically he hath received the Pope’s extraordinary Nuncio, Archbishop of Bologna and Cardinal in proxima potentia, being offended (as I collect by his ambassador here) with two things: first, that the Pope had let him run on to such expense, even to the point of drawing the sword^[3]; next, that he finally sent to compose these differences a person of so abstracted a spirit from worldly matters that he was ignorant of your treaty of Asti.^[4] Here we take in Friuli towns apace^[5], under the shadow of that Duke, which is one of the opportunest diversions that I think hath ever happened. The particulars I will send you the next week of the whole face of our camp how it standeth. We have now the certainty of the young Cardinal of Mantua^[6] his marriage to the Princess of Bozzolo, a crafty widow, or I am deceived, of the house of Gonzaga, who hath three sons living by her former husband, and doth herself (to use the phrase in Don Quixote) border upon forty years; a pretty and logical match, if a man mark it. Which accident, though little considerable in itself, is likely to breed much change in the public. For his brother the Duke (whose proper infirmities make him apprehensive) conceiveth it to be done in contemplation of the succession, which is likely to facilitate his reconcilement with Savoy, or to accelerate his own marriage by the direction of Spain somewhere else. And so I kiss your Lordship’s hands, with my ever remembered service to my honoured lady your wife.

My Lord, I shall by the next ordinary send your Lordship the acquittance of the man you know.^[7]

279. To James I.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton sends the King maps of Piedmont and Friuli.

Most Gracious Sovereign,

I have offered unto your Majesty’s excellent wisdom by Mr. Secretary Winwoode, in an express dispatch^[1], divers things to my conceit of great consequence, wherein I humbly expect your good pleasure. There remaineth no more now but to present unto your Majesty two maps which I send, that, upon occasion of any new matter in this broken time, your Majesty may entertain yourself with some view of the places. The one is of Piedmont and the confining provinces, which was drawn (as they tell me) upon the last year’s motions, describing and distinguishing the towns of several princes that lie there more confused than I think upon any other part of the globe of the earth. The other is a description of those parts of Friuli which are now in action, where the Venetians take almost every week upon the Austrian ground some fort or town; which, though they be not things of great consideration, yet it is worthy of wonder, even among sober marvellers, that such a swelling imperial house cannot keep their own against a single gowned State, so long unacquainted with arms, and environed on all sides with distasted princes, both spiritual and temporal. Of these things I have discoursed unto your Majesty in my foresaid letter to Mr. Secretary very largely, both the causes and the remedies. And so I rest, with continual prayers to our blessed God for His protection of your royal person and estates.

280. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Undated, sent with letter to James I of Oct. 11 by ‘Mr. Godfrey, a Kentish merchant’; Gregorio de’ Monti; model of a Venetian dredging machine.

Privata.

Right Honourable,

In my demands for my transportation and other extraordinaries (which will be presented to your favourable hand by Mr. Nicolas Pey, one of the clerks of his Majesty’s kitchen, who is my attorney), the last sum concerneth Gregorio de’ Monti, to whom I have continued the same allowance, wherein I found him invested by Sir Dudley Carleton, of thirty ducats per mensem; which amounteth to less by some forty pounds yearly than is allowed Signor Maggio, who hath an entertainment from the French King for the same services here under his ambassadors. And I am bound to say in truth that he hath merited it, and more, from his Majesty, not only for ten years’ service under Sir Dudley and me, and for those months when he supplied the place alone during Sir Dudley Carleton’s absence in Savoye, but likewise for some hazards that he hath run here, besides the spoiling of his fortune for ever in all other places of Italie by this dependence. In which considerations I have thought fit to beseech his Majesty to sign a few lines for his better protection to the effect of the enclosed, which will give him security and courage in his service.

I sent before, by young M. Cesar, the model of that engine which will cleanse our river of the softer matter^[1], and I have now directed my solicitor unto your Honour, with a draught of another new invention for the same end, and likewise with the shape of that instrument, both in picture and in paper, wherewith they void the harder clay and gravel.

With my solicitor, the merchant, Mr. Blunt, will likewise repair unto you, with all due information for the business. And so I leave it to your wisdom.

I reckon myself to be much interested in your Honour’s health, therefore I have sent you by this bearer two pounds of our best Theriaca^[2], and three pieces of such an earth, found about Mondovi, as the world yieldeth nothing of more precious use in malign or pestilent fevers, being taken to the weight of a drachm in sorrel or borage-water; which I commend unto you upon great experiences. If your Honour, or my Lady your wife^[3], take delight in rare flowers and plants, I will furnish you excellently with seeds and roots and slips. And I have procured out of Toscanie some olives for you, which shall be sent by the first opportunity. You see, Sir, what my fortune is by these easy presents.

I have written to my solicitor to send me one hither whose hand I shall use in copying of some things; whom, if it shall please you to dispatch with a packet in answer of those points that I have now handled, your Honour shall do me a special favour. And he shall be brought to receive your pleasure by my said solicitor. And so, having worn out my pens and my matter, both public and private, I commit your Honour again to God’s dear love.

My letter that cometh herewith to the King containeth only two maps; the one of Friuli, the other of Piedmont, which are the stages of our present stirs, whereunto his Majesty may recur upon any new matter, to view the places.

281. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph. News from Rome; the proposed alliance between Venice and the Protestant Union.

Let me acquaint your Honour with the newest things that I have by secret intelligence from Rome. That which the French Queen cannot do with this Pope no creature under heaven can do; insomuch as one writeth unto me pleasantly that he thinks he will canonize her while she is living. Certain it is that when the news of the Prince of Condé^[1] his imprisonment was delivered unto him by the French ambassador at Frascati, a place of his retirement, he fell down on his knee, and with tears in his eyes cried Te Deum laudamus. He hath lately also used the ambassador of this State with extreme kindness in outward forms at his audiences, which is here interpreted a piece of art. For in this place we hold Popes inseparable from Spayne; especially tender and avaricious Popes as the present. Some told him of late (as it was indeed commonly voiced in Rome) that the Duke of Savoye had lost St. Germano^[2] by the falsehood of an Englishman; at which there was made much sport in that Court, and some of our fugitives did extremely droop at it; but it is as true as the rest of their catechism. Since Tirone’s death^[3], his widow hath set up the King of Spayne’s arms over her door, which were not there in all her husband’s time: an argument that the pension is continued unto her. There are lately arrived in Rome thirteen English youths, all received into the College very privately, whereas heretofore in Parsons’s time (who made a glory of everything) they were wont to be presented to the Pope and solemnly blessed. These are the latest rhapsodies that I have. And so, humbly committing your Honour to God’s blessed favour, I rest ever,

Sir, touching the Princes of the Union, I beseech you to acquaint his Majesty that if we seek to bind them with this Republic either in league or strait correspondence^[4] (which many times is as valuable to all purposes as a league), they must by his Majesty be somewhat mollified, and brought from their national austerities. For hitherto (as far as I conceive) they have not corresponded in any due sort to the demonstrations of this State towards them; not so much as in answering their letters, nor at the Count Palatine’s Court in admitting Vincenzo Gussoni, the Venetian ambassador, to his table, which ceremonious circumstances without a good mediator may hinder the substantial.

282. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. No date (for date see note). The illness of the Pope; the imprisonment of Henry Bertie.

Right Honourable,

Since the writing of the enclosed, we have news by an extraordinary courier that the Pope this other morning, rising from his devotions, fell into a sudden failing of his feet and spirits, with some distraction of fancy, which bred an opinion in that Court that it grew from the cumber of his mind about the present affairs, although naturally not much troubled with thoughts.

I am more sorry for an advertisement brought me by a French gentleman and a merchant this very day, that Mr. Henry Bartie^[1], brother to my Lord Willoughby, having viewed the Levant, and returning homewards with the Raguzean ambassador by land, when he had safely transported himself with a very fine Turkish horse (which he had bought in Sophia) cross the gulf from Ancona to Ragusa, was there apprehended by the Inquisition; some say for the love of his said horse, to which the Governor had taken much liking; others by the secret accusation of a servant which he had of this religion. Howsoever, I am grieved with this accident, and the more for being unable to help him, through mine own small credit with the Inquisitors, with whom perchance my intercession might rather do him harm. Yet I will not fail to use the best oblique means I can; and my hope is that the merchants there (who much storm against it, as a thing likely to disturb commercement), will bring him out. I beseech your Honour to cause my Lord his brother to be acquainted with it.

283. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The dangerous state of the Duke of Savoy’s affairs; Scioppius; Henry Bertie; De Dominis.

. . . Of the motions in Piedmont, I am desirous to tell his Majesty with humble freedom my poor opinion. I see that the other Princes are content to look on, as if they were beholding the fencers, or some such entertainment in the old Roman theatres; resolving most assuredly not to discover their affections, unless the King of Spayne shall receive some notable blow. For that perchance may dissolve the common fear, which is yet stronger than the common interest. At which general stillness, and insensibility of the Duke’s case, I cannot but much wonder; his subsistence being in all confession most important, and his ruin very probable or (to speak a little more warily) very possible. For unless he shall be assisted more than hitherto by the inward Princes with conjunction of arms, I am of opinion that the silent support of moneys sent him from hence (which is likely to last no longer than the cause) will but serve the turn to help him to overthrow himself with his own vigour.^[1] I wish I may err in this conceit. . . .

My friend Scioppius is come to Milan and is so castiglionated, that he hath written a treatise in Spanish de Admirandis Hispaniae, which I send his Majesty herewith.

Between him and Puteanus there passeth ordinary correspondence of letters, and the said Puteanus hath written unto him (whereof he is nothing dainty) that one was hurt in Lovan by being mistaken for him. Sure Puteanus did feign it to keep him from thence, because two parasites cannot well live together. Howsoever, this rascal, by aggravating his own fears, becomes of some value among men of none, and gets dinners and suppers by it. He hath written to the Pope for a pension of 700 crowns, and that he may live in Rome securely; whither I could wish him to return, for the accomplishing of that note in Tacitus long since of that place: quo omnia (saith he) flagitiosa et pudenda confluunt.^[2]

Of Mr. Henry Bartie’s imprisonment by the Inquisition at Ancona I have advertised before; and am afraid he will perish in it. I am warned from Rome to keep all my friends thence, for the Pope is extremely nettled with the Archbishop of Spalatroe’s defection, of whom I must needs say somewhat for his Majesty’s entertainment. They know not how to blemish the matter seriously, and therefore I think they study how to make it ridiculous. If my memory do not fail me it is Quintilian’s rule, Quod non potes refutare elude.^[3] To which purpose they have cast out a voice (spread farther than a man would imagine) that the King intendeth to make him a Pope, and to erect about him a College of Cardinals, with such other stuff of this kind; which by a habit of hearing little truth, they are made apt to believe. And this is all that I can say to it.

284. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. Lord Oxford and Henry Bertie.

. . . My Lord of Oxford^[1], having at Florence heard of the imprisonment of Mr. Henry Barte, his near kinsman, by the Inquisition at Ancona, went the next day in post to Rome, after he had first procured the Great Duke’s palace there for his own security, and letters of favour which were to follow him. Since which time Mr. Barte was removed (perchance upon his intercession) to Rome. I pray God it may be as profitable for his friend, and as safe for himself, as it is nobly done. For my part, the best service that I could do him was to do nothing. For though I could heartily wish him free from those tyrants of consciences, yet I should in good faith be much ashamed that I were able to help him. Now, having never yet by any intelligence understood the particular cause of his restraint, I will set down what I conjecture upon certain bare circumstances. Mr. Porie^[2], secretary to the ambassador at Constantinople, took pains to translate the King’s book against the Cardinal Peron,^[3] out of French into Italian, upon request of the Venetian ambassador there, who had taken much pleasure at certain passages thereof, which had been told him. About this time, when the translation was finished, Mr. Barte was in the Levant, whence he came over land with the Raguzean ambassador; whereupon I am fallen into a conceit that Mr. Porie did send the said book by him in Italian, and that Mr. Barte’s man (who was a papist) did bewray it in Ancona. To this conjecture I am led by finding in all Mr. Porie’s letters written hither about that time, a very eager desire to know whether Mr. Barte were safely arrived in Venice; which yet perchance may have proceeded from his particular affection. If my fancy should be true his case is the very same as Mr. Mole’s, and then I fear it will go hard with him.^[4]

285. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., extract. Reception of Count John Ernestus of Nassau; Dutch and English troops at Venice.

Right Honourable,

The Count John Ernestus of Nassaw^[1] arrived well here on Saturday last, and Sir John Vere^[2], his Lieutenant-General, some two days after him, and withal came news (as if they had fitted their own steps to the wind) that seven of their ships were anchored at the Cape of Istria. . . . How glad they are of him, they have been willing to bewray by his entertainment in their towns, whereof I will set down a little taste from his own description, who told me that at Brescia (and proportionably in the rest), besides infinite coaches sent out to meet him, volleys of shot, drums beating and trumpets sounding, he was afterwards brought by the Rectors to his lodging, through ten well-furnished chambers, and in every one of them different music.

Here (being the seat of the State) his reception was more temperate, as to a general of a brave house, but withal, as an entertained personage.

286. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The Duke of Ossuna’s fleet in the Adriatic. The assassination of Concini; Lord Oxford at Venice; Henry Bertie.

Right Honourable,

I have written before that the fleet of the Viceroy of Naples^[1] was entered this Gulf; that his ships were first seen under the Island of Curzuolo, that afterwards two of them had some encounter in the mouth of the harbour of Lesina, with a galeazza and three ordinary galleys of this State; since which time they have been ranging and retiring, sometimes by the places belonging to the Venetians, sometimes under the promontory of Sabioncello, which the Raguzeans command. And we yet know not what will be the issue, nor how we shall baptize this action; the civilest sort call it an ‘intrusion’, the most part an ‘invasion’. If it prove ill, it must be excused by the standard of the Duke of Ossuna; if it prosper, the King his master may chance lend it his name. Certain it is that they be here most sensible of the affront, especially falling out at this time of the year, when the Republic, by a long foolish custom, is to marry the sea; for it soundeth as if the Viceroy had sent to forbid the banns. . . .

Now while we stand in expectation what the conference in Spain will breed; in much trouble at the daily increase in charges, in disdain of this affront by sea, in shame of the little success of the Grisons business, in dislike of the present, and in doubt of the future, we are surprised with a courier from France, bringing hither in six days advertisement of the death of the Marquis d’Ancre,^[2] killed by the King’s commandment; which hath extremely eased our hearts. For upon it we make these consequences: France will be quiet; the Duke of Savoy will want^[3] no help from thence; the Spaniards will be mortified, or at least mollified; the passage of the Grisons will be open. Et quid non? Of which things a few days are likely to give us some true judgement. . . . Here, besides the captains and soldiers, are more gentlemen of our nation at the present than have ever been seen before in this place. The chief is my Lord of Oxford,^[4] come newly from the Court of Tuscany; a gentleman who hath added much abroad both to his stature and judgement, and kept his religion very sound, which, with his other civil abilities, make me hope that he will prove a brave instrument for the honour and service of his country. His kinsman, Mr. Barte, is at Rome, free from the Inquisition, and hath scope to walk about, but is still restrained from departure. In Padua is lately dead old Mr. Willughbie^[5], an infectious Papist, of a still and dangerous temper, in that place where our gentlemen make commonly some abode. He hath left his movables to the seminaries at Rome, Rhems, and Doway, his body to the Theatini, with one hundred of these lire for as many masses to be sung for his soul. And is not this a conscionable religion, where a man may go to heaven so cheaply? With which question I will end; committing your Honour to God’s continual love, and resting,

Written the morning after the solemnity of the Ascension,^[6] which hath this year been celebrated here with a very poor show of gondole, by reason of a decree in Senate against the courtesans, that none of them shall be rowed con due remi; a decree made at the suit of all the gentlewomen, who before were indistinguishable abroad from those baggages.^[7]

287. To the Lords of the Privy Council.

S. P. Ven., holograph. Duplicate in possession of Mrs. Alfred Morrison of Fonthill, privately printed in Collection of Autograph Letters, &c., formed by Alfred Morrison, vol. vi, pp. 435-6. Wotton sends to England Tommaso Cerronio, Praepositus of the Jesuit College at Milan.

I do address this dispatch to your Lordships for two respects; first, for the height and importance of the subject thereof, which doth give it a more bold access unto your wisdoms, than it could otherwise receive from any ability of the writer.

Next, for that in a business of such a nature, as neither greater nor stranger (all considered) hath ever befallen any public minister. It shall be an ease, and, as I may term it, a quieta est, unto my own conscience, to give up an accompt of my proceedings into the trustiest hands, even before the event can appear unto his Majesty.

Your Lordships may therefore be pleased to understand that, by the means of the Caponi, a principal Florentine family trading in this bourse, I received the first letter of the three from Milan (whereof I now send the very originals, with their several endorsements), fourteen days after the date thereof, importing, as your Lordships see, no less in the very front, than the certain death of the King and subversion of the whole State; and requiring from me some gentleman of trust and secrecy, with competent provision, to conduct the discoverer (under the name of Stanislaus, a Polonian knight^[1]) unto his Majesty; which said knight was, by his own direction, to be found with the Pater Praepositus Sancti Fidelis Iesuitarum at Milan; apud quem hospitor (saith he); which I repeat the more curiously, being indeed the most staggering circumstance of the whole letter. For though that society be the very true shop where such practices are forged, and consequently the ablest to open their proper wares, yet they are commonly sure enough of their own guests and disciples. But finding it unfit for me in such a case to dispute umbrages with myself, I dispatched thither by post my secretary, Richard Seamer^[2] (being little known out of Venice), with the first of my three letters, whose copies are adjoined; providing him both of present moneys, and of credit for one hundred pounds in Milan or Basil, and as much in Antwerp or more, if he should need; and I added to attend him a German courier, of language and experience in the ways; the rather that by his company my secretary might somewhat shadow^[3] his own nation.

My said secretary, repairing to the assigned place, finds the Polonian knight converted into the Pater Praepositus himself of St. Fidelis there; who had couched the foresaid letter, and did now assume the whole business; showing my secretary, for his better assurance, the seal which he had set upon the said letter, which was nothing but a bare circle and a centre, without any arms or other figure. What passed between them at two or three meetings (which was little other than dilatory discourse), my said secretary will relate out of his own memorials, when he shall arrive with your Lordships. Always upon the transformation of the person, and because there was time enough interjected, he did resolve (though with cold opinion of the matter) to return thence in post to me for new counsel; as having no instruction to treat with a Jesuit, and less with one of their principals, but only with a Polonian knight. He brought with him, from this man (if such sportful notes may be imported into so weighty matter), the measure of his body for a suit of apparel, which he ordered to be made in Milan, after the French fashion, prescribing some light stuff di colore fratesco. I cannot deny unto your Lordships but that, after conference with my secretary, I was much distracted at the dismasking of the person; whereupon I immediately sent to a close and confident correspondent, which I have in Rome, to inform me speedily (for thence it was to be fetched) of the name, of the quality, and of the merits and humours of the foresaid Pater Praepositus; intending in the meanwhile to sound by writing what farther life or truth there might be in the business.

While I stood in this suspension, I was prevented by the second letter from Milan, sent by an express messenger (a Polonian youth) who had order, so pressingly did he proceed, to take a note from me of the receipt. Hereupon I resolved to write my second letter (endorsed ‘the second to Milan’);^[4] which, both for expedition and congruity, I sent likewise by another express courier, and not by the former which I had employed with my secretary, because I would not deal by known faces. This courier had a sudden re-dispatch, and brought me back a few resolute words (as they stand in appearance), endorsed among my papers ‘the third from Milan’. Now, my most honoured Lords, the very day before the last courier’s return, I received likewise an answer from my friend at Rome, to the purpose before-mentioned, which in truth did bring me some amazement. I will, therefore, word by word, translate his intelligence out of the Italian.

‘The Superior of the Jesuits of the St. Fidele at Milan is not called a rector, but a Praepositus; for they call rectors such as are superiors of their seminaries and houses of probation or novitiates; but those who govern their houses of profession (as that is of St. Fidele) are called Praepositi; whereof there are not commonly above one or two, at the most, in a province. The said Praepositus at Milan is by name called il Padre Tomaso Cerronio, by birth a Milanois; a man of good literature, having heretofore professed philosophy in Milan.^[5] About a year since he was here at Rome, in the Roman College confessor of the students, which charge is not given but to persons of the best accompt; and in time past the Cardinal Bellarmino had the same place. He was afterwards sent rector to Genoa, and thence removed to St. Fidele in Milan.’ This was my friend’s information from Rome; and I must say again I was much confounded with comparing his merits and the charges he hath borne, and doth bear, with the present employment and use of his person, which he offereth so voluntarily, being a great leap from a confessor to a discoverer; wherein yet the very same consideration, which doth make it most improbable (namely, the person’s quality), did withal bind me most to believe it. Such a riddling business it is; for though I am far (I thank God) from flattering myself in the estimation of my own judgement, yet why should he rate my simplicity so low (being unknown to him) as to think I would believe a man of his robe and place, unless he knew his own meaning to deserve it? And on the other side, what pleasure could he take in playing with so high matters? And what glory or benefit can he build on my deception? For to make me spend a few miserable crowns in such a case, or to disquiet a post or two, were, I must profess unto your Lordships, in my opinion a very lean and barren piece of malice.

These things considered, and withal, that it is the part of no vassal (as I am) in any case that may concern the dear life of his sovereign, and the safety of his country, to provide for the reputation of his own belief, I have, according to the foresaid third letter from Milan, sent my forenamed secretary to be at Basil within the assigned day—namely, the last of this month—with due provision and instruction to conduct the said person, if he shall appear, down the Rhine, and to let him order his own ways, if he shall suggest in his discourse and fashion no notable occasion of distrust; otherwise to carry him, either ignorantly—being unskilful, as I suppose, of the ways—or at the worst forcibly to the Palatine Court, thence to be conveyed to his Majesty by the power and direction of that Prince (whom I shall in the meantime prepare with some general notice thereof), which was Baldwyn’s^[6] case. Now, because it might well fall out that my said secretary should need some help on the way, I have adjoined unto him Mr. Arthur Terringham^[7] in the present employment, who was otherwise within a while returning homewards; a sworn servant to his Majesty, and a gentleman of known discretion unto your Lordships. They have instructions (the business proceeding) to acquaint your Lordships with their observations on the way, and to bring the person unto you at their arrival; for, though the party be likely to speak only in his Majesty’s ear, yet peradventure your Lordships may, upon the general notice of some machination against the King and the land, conceive some things fit to be provisionally done before it can come to his royal knowledge.

This is the accompt from step to step of the present business, which I beseech your Lordships to represent unto his Majesty as it shall seem best unto your wisdoms.

I will end likewise by humbly beseeching your Lordships not to value me by my services, but by my prayers for the common, and your particular, prosperities.

288. To ——

Reliquiae, 1st ed., p. 436, 3rd ed., p. 345. Unsigned, without date or address; sent to one of the Privy Council with the above dispatch about Cerronio. Wotton sends his correspondent some products of Venice.

Right Honourable,

Master Nicholas Pey (through whose hands all my businesses did pass, both in my former employments here, and now) hath betrayed your Honour unto me in some things that you would desire out of this country, which if he had not done he had betrayed me. For I have long wished nothing more than some occasion to serve you; and though this be a kind of intrusion, to insert myself in this manner into your desires, yet I hope it will please you to excuse it, because I do it not only with willingness, but in truth with pleasure: for it falleth out that I have a little skill, or at least an interest of affection in the things that you wish from hence, and therefore even mine own nature doth lead me to serve you, besides my duty. I have begun with a very poor present of strings for your music, whereof I will provide hereafter better store, and, if it be possible, of better quality. By the first ship your Honour shall receive some lutes of Sconvelt and Mango,^[1] and withal a chest of glasses of mine own choosing at Murano, wherein I do somewhat pretend, and those artificers are well acquainted with me. Thus much in private; for the public I have made by this bearer^[2] a dispatch unto the whole body of his Majesty’s most honourable Council, wherein your worthy person is comprehended; and therefore I hope that writing twice to your Honour now at once, it may serve (by your favour) for some redemption of my former silence. The subject of my dispatch is as high as ever befell any foreign minister, wherein, though mine own conscience (I thank God) doth set me at rest, yet I shall be glad of your honourable approbation if it will please you to afford it me; and so I humbly commit your Honour to God’s blessed love, remaining,

289. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., dictated, extract. No date; written after Wotton’s audience of June 10, 1617. The Earl of Oxford wishes to raise troops for the Venetian service.

. . . My Lord of Oxford intendeth to employ the intercession of his friends at home, that he may have leave to contract with them here, and to transport unto them some voluntary troops,^[1] wherein (as I conceive it), the King shall but leave his subjects in their natural liberty, and yet much oblige this State unto him, without any charge of his own, or so much as any direct engagement of himself in the cause. My Lord himself is grown a goodly gentleman, of great ability for his years, both of body and judgement, and hath already taken a way to make both his affection and his resolution well known to them here, by going in a very noble manner, both himself and his followers, to the siege of Gradisca, as the public voice leadeth him. And of this I shall need to say no more, because he proposeth to write himself unto your Honour, upon whose friendship he maketh much foundation, as he telleth me. And in truth, Sir, you run everywhere at the rate of a good friend.

290. To Sir Ralph Winwood.

S. P. Ven., dictated, extract. The journey of the Praepositus, and Wotton’s speculations about him. The dangerous situation of Venice.

Right Honourable,

Upon the knowledge that I have received (though somewhat slowly) from Basile and Heidelberg, of the party’s passage toward England in their company whom I appointed to conduct him, I am diversely distracted in mine own conceit touching the event. Sometimes I am ready to think that, upon the discovery of I know not what foreign or inward practice, he will build a suit for the freedom of religion. Sometimes I conceive that he may have a secret purpose, and perhaps commission, to try if he can revoke the Archbishop of Spalato (whose desertion the Jesuits take much to the heart); for the working whereof, if that were his scope, it were necessary by some device to procure first his own security—and what more plausible than matter of discovery? Another while I am, methinks, in all reason bound to imagine, that either some notable discontentment (of which there is no apparent cause in his fortune, being come to a great degree in his own ways) or some inward feeling of the Truth, hath carried him out of this country; of which he seemeth to have given me some light in his last from Milan, the day before his departure, whereof I sent the original by the ordinary post unto the Lords, as I have done the rest by a special messenger, doubting of your being in London. And yet this last conceit is crossed by a letter from my secretary, who informeth me from Heidelberg that he did stiffly persevere in his own religion—unless perhaps he would not open himself to them till the end of his journey. These things I must leave to his Majesty’s wisdom, to whose presence he tendeth, and is not likely till then to show the bottom. For though his natural judgement be (as I hear) not very deep, yet perhaps his own counsels may be low enough in him. For myself, and those that I have employed, I hope, by your favourable presenting of my zeal and their pains, we shall merit his Majesty’s approbation.

Now, touching the present affairs of these parts, the more I consider them, the more in truth I wonder to see this sober country grown at least wild, if not mad, with passion, and a Republic, that both by their form of government, by the lasciviousness of their youth, by the wariness of their aged men, by their long custom of ease, and distaste of arms, and consequently by their ignorance in the management thereof,^[1] lastly by the impossibility, or at least great difficulty, of receiving help (the avenues being stopped) should, I say, by all these reasons abhor war, is notwithstanding I know not how engaged, by all appearance, in an endless quarrel or shameful conclusion. Wherein if the merit of the cause (being against a nest of thieves) do not procure them help from heaven beyond the discourse of man, I know not what will become of them.^[2]

291. To Sir Thomas Lake.

Eton MS., holograph. The first of sixty-five dispatches and letters of Sir Henry Wotton’s, written in the years 1617-20, and preserved at Eton College, with a number of other documents concerning Wotton’s negotiations during these years. In 1850 all these letters and documents were printed by the Roxburghe Club. In this letter Wotton begins his official correspondence with the new secretary, Sir Thomas Lake.^[1]

Right Honourable,

The enclosed is the answer unto his Majesty’s letter of the 4th of July from Falkeland.

How much I think myself obliged unto you for those friendly lines, which your own pen did bestow upon me from so remote a place, I cannot show with serving you, and therefore I will show it hereafter with troubling you.

You have torn off the mask of silence from my face, and given my papers a confident access unto you. And the next week I will begin. This is only to render you most humble thanks for your said letter, and to pass the enclosed^[2] unto his Majesty through your favourable hand; wherein is as much as I can discourse of the present time; and so, Sir, committing you to God’s blessed love, I rest,

292. To James I.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The Jesuit Praepositus.

. . . Your Majesty hath now with you not only a Jesuit, but a Preposito,^[1] of a professed College of Jesuits in one of the most famous cities of Europe, conveyed into your kingdom by my direction, who am otherwise no ordinary transporter of such kind of merchandise. I wish the fruit may be as great as the noise, and that being the weakest myself of your creatures, I may by this and other endeavours be worthy, if not of your Majesty’s grace, yet at least of some part of the Pope’s displeasure. In the meanwhile, whatsoever the event shall be, and what interpretation soever shall follow it, I am always sure of this comfort, that those who shall condemn my judgement will absolve my conscience. And so with my continual prayers committing your dear and sacred person to God’s high preserving hand, I ever rest,

293. To Sir Dudley Carleton.^[1]

S. P. Ven., holograph, postscript. Relationship between Wotton and Carleton.

My Lord,

I cannot omit a private thing that is now under my pen, fallen into my memory. I have been told by good searchers of pedigrees that your Lordship and I are very near kinsmen by the Gaynsfords.^[2] Though the title of friend be the highest that even our Saviour did ever give, yet let me not lose this other hold of you. Therefore I pray your Lordship to give me some little instruction of your interest in the foresaid name, and in the meanwhile to remember my humble service to your honoured Lady.

294. To Sir Thomas Lake.

Eton MS., holograph, Rox. Club, p. 9. Postscript to dispatch of this date. Italian converts; Scioppius.

It may please you, Sir, to acquaint his Majesty that I have been here very closely dealt withal in the behalf of an Italian bishop, and of another person of great learning (as yet both unnominated), who as they say, di puro zelo and di certa scienza, are resolved to leave this Church, and would retire into his Majesty’s protection. I will add to this for entertainment that my friend Schioppius^[1] (guarded always with a brace of bravi) hath lately, as I hear, written and intendeth to print at Rome a Centuria Censurarum, but about what subject I yet know not.

295. To Sir Dudley Carleton.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. Rumour of James I’s leniency to Catholics.

. . . Sir John Vere is gone to take his leave at the camp. My Lord of Oxford ⟨is⟩ in a little course of physic at Padova, against a kind of vertiginousness that doth at some times assail him, and so hath done for long time, but the fits are slight.

I will end with telling your Lordship that all the Gazettanti here of this week have, in their idle leaves, scattered a report that the King hath lately much enlarged the liberties of the Papists in England, with I know not what hope of farther grants unto them. Whereupon I did privately (because the matter is tender) confer with two of them from what ground they had it. They both agree that it is come in letters from Flanders, and written hither gagliardamente. I have not yet had time to trace the originals, but in the meantime I mark by it with how many arts the King is besieged. Sometimes they preach against his persecutions, sometimes they vaunt of his lenities; being enough to put me in mind of that which I have read in a Schoolman that Diabolus solus suadet contraria.

296. To Sir Thomas Lake.

S. P. Ven., dictated, extract. No date, endorsed ‘1 Jan., 1617’ (i.e. 1618). A fire in Wotton’s house; Mole in the Inquisition.

Right Honourable,

I have expressly dispatched this young gentleman for some causes that I shall set down, when I have first acquainted his Majesty with an unhappy accident fallen here upon my habitation by mischance of fire; which being kindled first (we know not how) in a ground room under my kitchen (where certain boards and other old dry materials were locked up by the landlord) and increasing while we were all asleep, took such fury before we could get fit things or help to quench it, that it hath consumed all the roofs and whole timber works in the best part of my house; the neighbours and such assistance as came (though late) to help us, more labouring on each side to keep the fire from ranging farther, than to save any part of that which was actually in peril. In the course of which unfortunate story, nothing befell us of more confusion than this, that the key of the street door below, having been left upon a table in the kitchen next his own chamber that made my provisions (who commonly went first abroad) was swallowed in the flames, which rising with very violent eruption from the close room before named, took first hold of the kitchen rafters; by which mishap we could neither get out our selves to the channel, nor let in others, till by main force we had broken the bars of the gate. Whereupon some that saw not our perplexity, have formed a malicious voice that we would not open the door in time, for fear our stuff should be stolen; whereas in truth the missing of the key did put the whole in hazard, while we were forced to neglect the fire and set all our hands to the gate. The particular circumstances I leave to the relation of this bearer.^[1]

The loss which I have sustained myself falls heavy upon so poor a man, but it is eased with this comfort, that I serve a gracious and compassionate master. As for the rest, in this and all other accidents, His supreme will be done, whom earth, and air, and seas, and flames must obey; of whose indulgent mercy we want no arguments, even in the midst of this mishap, as that it fell not out in the depths of the night, which had been with more horror, but some hour before morning; likewise that there was no breath of wind to diffuse it, and lastly that no hurt hath befallen any man’s person, save to a boy, that had only his head broken with a piece of the ruins.

Now, Sir, lest his Majesty should think me wholly distracted by mine own damages from all other duty, I will pass through your hands to his pious consideration two motions worthy of your own charitable remembrance. The one about a place of sepulture^[2] here, the other touching a gentleman who hath been long nothing else but a living sepulture himself: I mean poor Mr. Mole. . . .

Touching Mr. Mole, I protest before God, that it wounds my heart to think of him. The poor gentleman hath lain long in the dungeon of the Roman Inquisitors. He hath constantly maintained his faith against all kind of trials by argument, by promises, by threatenings. He hath (as I am particularly informed) often desired public death, and they have hitherto denied him the glory of it; having set their last hope upon a certain French abbot, whom they hold to have a great power of conversion. I take it that Baldwyn the Jesuit^[3] is yet in the Tower, and I remember I heard his Majesty once let fall out of his royal and Christian heart, that he would be content to deliver him for Mr. Mole, in compassion of his miseries, though the cases be very unequal. This was long since, when Zuniga^[4] the Spanish ambassador did beg some priests.

Now, if Baldwyn be living, and that it shall please the King to let me work upon that exchange, I will hope to handle it so by oblique means, without appearing therein myself, that the Jesuits themselves shall be made the suitors unto the Pope for it, which is the only imaginable way to do this pious deed cum decore publico. If Baldwyn be not living, there may be some other exchange of priests made, as valuable by the number, though not in the quality. For the form of doing it I conceive small difficulty, because the one may be consigned to some ambassador in London, and the other in Rome, which, though I have often taken into my thoughts, yet did it never appear so seasonable as now, my Lord Rosse^[5] (who was the occasion of his first captivity) being settled there; to whom by a third person (whom I will prepare) the business may be presented as his glory, and by him to the Jesuits as their benefit. Neither do I see in truth what better use may be now made of him; and so I leave it to his Majesty’s most indubitable goodness.

297. To Sir Thomas Lake.

S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The story of Leonardo Mocenigo.

Right Honourable,

I shall herein represent unto his Majesty an image of this Government in a strange example which this week hath produced, wherein we have seen a gentleman of singular merit and integrity, absolutely ruined by the greatest honour which his country, under the princedom, could lay upon him.

This man is by name Leonardo Mocenigo,^[1] whom in my dispatch by John Georges^[2] I called (as I might well do) the Cato of this State; of age above threescore years, in dignity already one of the Procuratori di St. Marco, which is the seminary of their dukes. Otherwise of small means, because that was never his study. Standing thus, he was chosen against his own desire Capitano Generale del Mare, which, as I have formerly written, is a kind of dictatorship in that element, never given but in very urgent times, and to personages of eminent trust, who commonly afterwards prove dukes; as the present^[3] did, that bare the same charge in the time of the Pope’s Interdict. Notwithstanding which reputation at the present, and hope in the future, he made as much suit to be rid of it as others would have done to have it, and three several days (as the custom is) did propound his excuses; which having not been accepted, he took this resolution, rather to undergo the public censure and penalty of the law, than to assume this charge. Whereupon he hath been first amerced one thousand crowns, secondly, excluded for the term of two years from all secret councils, thirdly, banished for the same time from any residence save only di passaggio within the compass of the Quarnero, which is on the farther side of Istria, and the river of Menzo, towards the confines of Lombardy; and lastly, having petitioned that by way of grace his relegation might be converted into the territory of Padova, where his brother hath a villa, wherein he might entertain himself, that also hath been denied him; nothing remaining for him to walk in, but the cheerful garden of his own conscience.