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Scholars will be ever grateful to Bering for persuading Steller to go with him on the St. Peter. Steller’s account of his experiences is the most interesting of all the papers that have come down to us. The naval officers’ log books contain the dry facts of the voyage, but Steller’s journal gives the spirit of it, the “inside” story, the moral forces at work. The two records supplement each other, sometimes even in matters of navigation, and that is one reason why they are published together.

There are still other reasons. Steller was the first trained naturalist in the North Pacific, and he had opportunities for observation that were denied to his successors. He was the only scientist who saw a live sea cow. He studied the habits of the blue fox and the sea otter before they were frightened away by man. In all that relates to these animals as well as on other phases of natural history which he records, Steller was, is, and will be an authority.

Steller’s journal, which is in German, his native language, was edited and published at St. Petersburg in 1793 by the naturalist P. S. Pallas, both serially in Volumes 5 and 6 of his Neue Nordische Beyträge and separately in booklet form (see the bibliography at the end of the present volume). Steller’s description of Bering Island, which constitutes the end of the journal, Pallas had already published in 1781 in Volume 2 of the same series.

During the summer of 1917 I located in the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences at Petrograd a manuscript copy of the journal. It seems probable that it is a direct transcript from the original. Pallas received the original in 1767 (or 1769), so he tells us in his two prefaces,^[1] from Professor J. E. Fischer, one of the Academicians who took part in Bering’s expedition in Siberia, and had it copied. That the manuscript I found is not the original seems apparent for two reasons: (1) it is not in Steller’s handwriting, as a comparison with that handwriting^[2] will show; (2) it does not lack the sheet containing the account of the happenings from August 4 to 11, 1741, nor is the sheet mutilated on which are described the events of September 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, and 24—defects which characterized the original, Pallas says,^[3] when it was in his hands. That the present manuscript is also not the transcript made for Pallas from the original seems probable because it shows no trace of his many editorial changes or corrections, signs of which may plausibly be expected to have been evident on that transcript. On the other hand, that the manuscript is a direct copy from the original seems highly probable from the fact that, in the corresponding places, it is practically identical, word for word, with certain passages which J. B. Scherer quoted from the journal when he published Steller’s “Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka” in 1774.^[4] In a review of the book in 1775 Beckmann says^[5] that Scherer lived for several years in St. Petersburg prior to 1774 and there, he has reason to believe, acquired the original manuscript of the “Beschreibung” through Professor Fischer or from his library. If Scherer had the original manuscript of Steller’s description of Kamchatka it is not unlikely that he also had the original of the journal in his possession at that time. Having it, he would probably, especially in a short passage, quote it literally, to judge by the unedited condition in which he gave to the world the 450-page description of Kamchatka, a procedure for which Pallas^[6] takes him to task.^[7]

Whatever its exact status, the manuscript found in 1917 is of great interest because it evidently is a faithful rendering of Steller’s words and thus makes it possible to restore the matter which Pallas omitted or abridged. Pallas, however, deserves much credit for editing the journal so well. In many places he improved on the reading of the original; in others he took liberties which may have had some justification a century and a third ago but do not have now. The pages reproduced in facsimile in the body of the present volume afford typical examples of the difference between corresponding portions of the manuscript and Pallas’ version (cf. Fig. 1 with Fig. 2 and Fig. 18 with Figs. 19 and 20).

The present is the first complete English translation of the journal.^[8] Even in German the journal has not been easily accessible, the existence in the libraries of the United States of only two copies in book form and six in serial form having come to my knowledge.^[9] The translation was made from the printed account; wherever there were essential differences in the manuscript these variants were translated and added as footnotes. The present translation therefore has the advantage of whatever clarification and improvement Pallas imparted to the narrative, while, at the same time, it retains the full text of the journal as written by Steller. A translation was at first made by me from the printed version which, while not literally accurate, attempted to render its spirit. I then had the good fortune to enlist the coöperation of Dr. Leonhard Stejneger of the U. S. National Museum. Dr. Stejneger, retaining as much as possible of the phraseology of the first translation, made another which is as near to the original wording as it is possible to make it. It is this translation which is published herewith.

The translation is by no means all the work that Dr. Stejneger has done on this volume. His footnotes to the botanical and zoölogical references in the journal are a major contribution. Naturalists will agree that there is no man so well qualified to discuss these matters as he. During his repeated visits to the North Pacific region, including Kayak Island, Bering Island, and Kamchatka, in 1882-1883 (comprising an eighteen months’ stay on Bering and Copper Islands), in 1895 and 1896-1897 (principally to study the fur seal question), and again in 1922, Dr. Stejneger has gone over the same ground, has studied the same plant and animal life that Steller did, and has in this way been able to verify Steller’s observations.

It is a pleasure to record the encouragement and help given me by American men of science. This is particularly true of Dr. Charles V. Piper of the U. S. Department of Agriculture and the late Dr. Alfred H. Brooks of the U. S. Geological Survey, one an authority on plants and the other on the geology of Alaska. In making my translation of the journal I had the assistance of Professor O. C. Gebert of the State College of Washington in interpreting some of the more difficult passages in the German. To these and to the other scholars who have given me so generously of their time and learning I am sincerely grateful.^[10]

F. A. Golder

By F. A. Golder

Georg Wilhelm Steller was born in Windsheim, Franconia, on March 10, 1709. After graduating from the schools of his native city he went to the universities of Wittenberg, Leipzig, Jena, and Halle, where he studied theology and the natural sciences and specialized in medicine and botany. In 1734 he went to Berlin to work under Professor Ludolf and to take an examination, which he passed with high honor. He was now ready for a position, but Germany had none to offer him. The only opening that presented itself at that time, and which he accepted, was that of surgeon on an army transport that was about to leave Danzig for Russia with a number of invalided Russian soldiers. This is how it came about that Steller found himself at St. Petersburg in the winter of 1734.

Soon after his arrival he became the physician of the Archbishop of Novgorod. This position provided him with a home, but it did not give him an outlet for his energy and an opportunity for his talents. Steller desired to go to Siberia as a member of Bering’s second expedition and there make his reputation. With that in view he asked the Academy of Sciences to send him to Kamchatka as botanist. His friend the Archbishop, as well as others, backed him for the position, and in August, 1737, the Senate, on the nomination of the Academy, appointed him adjunct in natural history at a salary of six hundred and sixty rubles a year and ordered him to proceed to Kamchatka.

With such bright prospects before him Steller felt that he was in a position to marry the lady of his choice, the attractive widow, Brigitta Messerschmidt. She assured him that she was ready to go with him to the ends of the world and share his hardships, but when the time came for leaving she decided to stay home and share his pay. Heartsick and alone he set out for the wilds of Siberia in the last months of 1737. He followed the much-traveled road to Tomsk, reaching there in the autumn of 1738, and hastened from there to Yeniseisk to join his two countrymen and fellow members of the expedition, the historian Gerhard Friedrich Müller and the naturalist Johann Georg Gmelin. With them he spent about seven weeks (January 20 to March 5, 1739) telling them his disappointments, his plans, and his ambitions, and receiving comfort and encouragement in return.^[12] From Yeniseisk he pushed on to Irkutsk, Yakutsk, and Okhotsk, where he took ship for Kamchatka and landed at Bolsheretsk on October 2, 1740.

While on the way, at Kirensk Post on the upper Lena, Steller had met Captain Spanberg^[13] and asked to be taken to Japan. Spanberg agreed to do so provided the Senate gave its consent. On April 30, 1740, Steller had sent a petition to that body and then proceeded to Bolsheretsk to wait for a reply. Before it came, Bering, who was at Avacha Bay on the eastern coast of Kamchatka, notified him that he had a proposal to make to him. Steller immediately crossed the peninsula and presented himself before the Captain Commander on March 20, 1741. As a result of the interview Steller agreed to go to America. That which happened to him on his voyage is recorded in his own journal and need not be repeated here.

On his return in August, 1742, he set about completing his Kamchatkan investigation. During the winter of 1742-1743 he made his headquarters at Bolsheretsk and worked out from there in different directions. In the spring and early summer months of 1743 he explored several of the Kurile Islands. After that he went to Lower Kamchatka Post, where he built a boat, engaged a small crew at his own expense, and sailed for Bering Island and wintered there, returning early in July, 1744. A month later, loaded with boxes of specimens of all kinds, he bade Kamchatka goodby forever and set out for Okhotsk. He stopped but a short time at this post, then proceeded to Yakutsk, where he spent nearly a year studying natural history, and then went to Irkutsk, reaching there in December, 1745. In January, 1746, he was at Krasnoyarsk, in March at Tobolsk and Tyumen, in April at Solikamsk, and in the summer months at Perm and in the adjoining country, making botanical researches.

While at Bolsheretsk he had a quarrel with one of the officers, who made a complaint to the Senate that Steller meddled in affairs that did not concern him and that he had freed certain Kamchadal prisoners who were held on the charge of rebellion. That complaint came to the hands of the Senate early in 1744, and at once instructions were despatched to Irkutsk to look into the matter. When Steller wandered into the city in December, 1745, and was faced with the charges, he cleared himself without trouble and was allowed to go about his business. Unfortunately the officers in charge of the investigation delayed in making a report of their findings until some time after Steller had departed on his way to the capital. When the Senate heard again of Steller he was in the Urals. Thinking that he was trying to evade the law, a special messenger was sent to take him back to Irkutsk to stand trial. The messenger found him in the neighborhood of Solikamsk and made him retrace his steps. In the meantime the acquittal of Steller reached St. Petersburg (August 20, 1746), and a special courier was ordered to proceed in all haste to tell him that he was at liberty to go where he pleased. By that time he was some distance to the east of Tobolsk. He faced about once more, and when he had reached the neighborhood of Tyumen he was taken ill and died on November 12, 1746, being then only thirty-seven years of age.

The nine years of strenuous life, the hard summer of 1746, and the marching back and forth as a prisoner had much to do in undermining Steller’s vigorous constitution, but the greatest single factor in causing his death was strong drink. It is said that after his return from Bering Island in 1742 Steller took to drinking. Each year the habit grew stronger and fastened itself on him. More than once his friends had to put him to bed. He was drinking heavily during the summer of 1746 and gradually ruined his health and lowered his vitality. When in the fall of 1746 he had come as far as Tobolsk he was already a sick man burning up with fever. His friends tried to persuade him to go no farther and to give up drinking, but he would do neither. He hired a sleigh and started for Tyumen. It was very cold weather, and on the way the driver stopped at an inn to warm himself, leaving Steller in a drunken stupor outside. After a long time the driver returned and found Steller almost frozen. He was hurried to Tyumen, but nothing could be done for him. His strength was gone.

Steller was an interesting man and a great scientist. His discoveries in America and Bering Island assure him eternal fame. He was blessed with a retentive memory, a keen power of observation, and an ability to generalize and to interpret his data. The facts which he recorded and the conclusions which he drew from his observations on the voyage have, on the whole, stood the test of time. He sometimes erred in matters of detail; he occasionally, owing to his strong prejudices against the naval officers, made erroneous assumptions, but he was seldom wrong in his scientific reasoning. Modern scientists may not wholly accept his theories, but they cannot altogether sweep them aside.^[14]

Not only intellectually but physically and temperamentally Steller was well fitted for exploration. He was strong, tireless, and devoted to his work. He accomplished more in one day than the average investigator did in a month. His wants were few and easily satisfied. His fellow scientists had cooks, servants, supply wagons, and camping outfits, but Steller was his own cook and servant and lived off the country. One plate, one cup, one pocketknife, and his blankets constituted his personal baggage. Traveling light, he covered much ground and went to places where his more dignified and encumbered colleagues could not follow, and in the end he achieved more than they. Gmelin and Delisle de la Croyère had to be provided with European foods and European wines, but Steller purposely lived on native foods in order to ascertain their nutritive values and their effects on white men. In a report to the Yakutsk commandant he stated that during the winter and spring (1743-1744) which he and his men spent on Bering Island not one of them tasted bread and not one of them was the worse for it, and he thus convinced himself that European food was not essential for the Russians in Kamchatka.

Steller’s weak point was his inability to work with other people. He lacked tact, sympathy, and appreciation of the other man’s point of view. He was always quarreling and making enemies. Sometimes it was with his fellow German scientists but more often with the Russian officers in Siberia, on whom he looked down as beneath his notice. He was ever sending complaints against them, the burden of his charges being that they did not show him proper respect and did not consult him enough. He offered advice, not only to the Siberian governors and to the naval officers but also to the Senate and to the Synod, on navigation, military strategy, commerce, agriculture, conversion of the heathen, education of the natives, building of forts, and more such subjects. It is interesting to note that most of his suggestions were good, and the reason for their rejection must be sought in a large part in the manner of their presentation. His very insistence to be heard and his air of wisdom aroused opposition.

His cutting remarks about the officers of the St. Peter show what a poisonous pen he had; there is reason to believe that he had a sharp tongue as well. In describing to the Senate^[15] the scene that took place on board the ship, when he asked to be allowed to land on Kayak Island, Steller says: “Then I turned on Captain Commander Bering and in no gentle words told him what I thought of him and what I would do if he did not let me go.”

If Steller treated Bering in this manner we can easily guess what he did to Khitrov, Waxel, and to some of the smaller fry from whom he had no favors to expect. They hated him and he despised them, and their life on board was as disagreeable as can be imagined. It would be worse than a waste of time to sit in judgment and try to decide the rights and wrongs. In the first place, we have only one side of the story, Steller’s; the other men have left no memoirs.^[16] In the second place, they were all living under abnormal conditions and were not altogether responsible. They all suffered from disease, vermin, cold, hunger, thirst, and despondency, and their actions and quarrels are psychologically interesting and nothing more, showing as they do how men will act under certain conditions. In reading of their voyage it would be much better to think less of their quarrels and more of their glorious deeds.

Explanatory Note

The present translation, as previously stated (p. ix), was made from the journal as published by Pallas in 1793. The wording of the manuscript copy of the journal located in 1917, wherever it differs essentially from the published version, is indicated in footnotes.

The manuscript copy of the journal located in 1917 is referred to throughout as “the MS;” the 1793 edition, as “the published version,” “Pallas edition,” etc.

In paragraphing and in the separation of sentences within a paragraph by a dash the present translation follows the published version.

Interpolations by the translator are indicated by brackets [ ]. The parentheses ( ) used occur in the published version.

Transliteration from the Russian has been made directly from the Russian words and names themselves and essentially according to the Library of Congress system. This accounts for the differences from the spellings used by Steller and Pallas, which are transliterations into German and which are in addition sometimes based on Russian pronunciation and not spelling.

Kamchadal and other native words have been spelled so as to reproduce in English the pronunciation indicated by the German or Russian-through-German transliteration used in the journal.

All dates in the journal itself are Old Style; in 1741-1742 they were eleven days behind the Gregorian calendar.

Publications not cited in full in the footnotes can be identified in the Bibliography of Vol. 1 or Vol. 2; the location of these entries can be determined through the index, under the author’s name or otherwise.

Asterisk footnotes are footnotes by Pallas in the published version. Unsigned footnotes dealing with variants of the MS from the published version and footnotes followed by (S) are by Dr. Stejneger; footnotes followed by (B) are by the late Dr. A. H. Brooks of the U.S. Geological Survey; by (G), by Dr. Golder; by (J), by the editor.

[Transcriber’s Note: These footnotes originally denoted by * or ** are here numbered sequentially as P1, P2, P3, etc. All of the numbered footnotes have been renumbered, starting from 1, throughout the entire book.]

Units of Measure and Weight Used in the Journal

15 German miles = 1°

40 Russian pounds = 1 pood

Introduction^[18]

Having lived to set foot once more upon the sacred soil of Russia after the conclusion of a hard voyage of fourteen months^[19] undertaken for the exploration of the shore of America situated northeasterly from Kamchatka^[20] and after despairing more than once of either surviving or serving Russia again, I deem it my duty to precede my further reports with a brief, impartial, and true account of my voyage, its happenings, and the fate which befell the ship’s company.

The great monarch Peter I, of glorious memory, was influenced by the discovery of Kamchatka as well as by the representations of the Paris Academy of Sciences^[21] to cause an investigation to be made, by sending out the then Captain Bering in 1725, as to how far America is distant from Kamchatka, the extreme northeastern corner of the Empire, or whether it [America] might not in the north be nearer to the extreme Chukchi headland, which the old map makers^[22] called Promontorium Tabin, or even be continuous with the latter.

Although at the time of the first attempt in the ship Gabriel^[23] it would have been an easy matter, without further costs or loss of time, by sailing on a northeast or east course, between the parallels of 51° and 64°^[24] north latitude, i.e. as far as the Kamchatkan shore extends from its extreme end at Cape Lopatka^[25] to Chukchi Cape, to touch at the American islands by going twenty or thirty miles^[26] or at the mainland itself by sailing fifty to seventy miles,^[P1] nevertheless the officers in command at that time were satisfied with a short exploration of Kamchatka from Lopatka to the so-called Serdse Kamen,^[27] which is not the same by a considerable distance as the Chukchi Promontory, during which they followed the Kamchatkan coast in a northerly direction and never lost sight of it except in foggy weather.—The object of the voyage^[28] was consequently anything but achieved, for, if America were situated so close to Siberia, it would have been discovered before then by the cossacks who in their baidars (skin boats) had at various times sailed over this course from the mouth of the Anadyr; as also the geodesist (surveyor) Gvozdev^[29] and his cossacks in the ship Gabriel later on, in 1735,^[30] went much farther, viz. to 66° north latitude.

On Captain Bering’s return the eager world consequently received nothing more than a chart and a defective account of the already well-known Kamchatka, besides a few verbal reports of the Anadyr cossacks, according to which the Chukchi Promontory was really separated from America by open sea, but that on the 51st parallel, opposite Lopatka, there was a chain of islands stretching out towards Japan, to which [islands] the cossacks, with a few surveyors, had ventured out sometime before in very frail vessels and [of which islands they] had actually explored thirteen.^[31]

On Captain Bering’s return to Moscow in 1730 it was at once realized how little the object had been attained and yet how much reason there was still left for supposing the mainland of America to be near. At the same time there arose a desire to secure information about the islands lying south of Kamchatka towards Japan. Out of these considerations, therefore, grew the second, great Kamchatka Expedition, so costly and arduous on account of the great distances, the remote and toilsome transportation of provisions and materials, besides many other causes which might perhaps have been reduced considerably if an unbiased and conscientious report on the farthest parts of Asia and their resources, based on all the information then at hand, had been submitted. In particular, it must have been well known to the officers employed on the first expedition how oppressive and injurious the transportation of the provisions, at that time relatively so insignificant, had been to the few inhabitants of the Lena regions and of Kamchatka and how many hundreds of the latter lost their lives in the journeys from the Bolshaya River to the harbor of Avacha.^[32] It would then have been easily seen that additional and much larger transportation would completely exhaust these desolate regions and be the ruin of the poor natives there, as subsequent events have shown.^[33]

I pass over the ten years of laborious preparation which preceded the second voyage—the innumerable difficulties encountered, the expenses, the losses of men and beasts, etc., which took place during the years from 1733 to 1741, as well as the circumstances relating to Captain Spanberg’s separate expedition,^[34] none of which properly come under my plan, and I shall turn my attention solely to what relates to the expedition of Captain Bering and of Captain Chirikov, which started on June 5, 1741, as long as the two packet-boats fitted out for this voyage kept together, and later to the fortunes of Bering’s crew alone until their return to Kamchatka on August 26, 1742.

As it is well known, however, in what capacity in the year 1738 I was sent from St. Petersburg to Kamchatka only for the purpose of making an investigation of the three natural kingdoms and consequently was not to have the slightest share in the enterprises of the naval officers, it is necessary for me to explain briefly how I came to be in their company nevertheless. In the year 1740 I had addressed from Kamchatka^[35] an application to the High Governing Senate humbly petitioning to be permitted to accompany Captain Spanberg on a second voyage to Japan which he was planning, in order that, considering the great expense incurred, thorough information about the islands along the route as well as about Japan itself might be secured through me. When in the meantime Captain Commander Bering learned of my insatiable desire to see foreign lands and to investigate their resources and curiosities, he sent me,^[36] in the month of February, 1741, from the Harbor of St. Peter and St. Paul, or Avacha, a special letter requesting me to journey to him for the purpose of discussing certain matters with him. Perceiving at once that the intention was to persuade me to undertake the voyage to America in company with him, I did not hesitate long, and with only one sluzhiv (cossack of the Siberian militia) I traveled to him by dog team. As soon as I arrived he represented to me with many arguments the important and useful service I could render and how much my undertaking would be appreciated in high places, if I should consent to go along with him. I replied that I had no orders to do so and that I should not dare to take that decision upon myself, especially as I had already approached the High Governing Senate for permission to go to Japan; that consequently such a decision might be regarded as a very bold and thoughtless offense, particularly if the American voyage should become so protracted that I should not be at hand in case the order to go to Japan should arrive. The Captain Commander, however, swept aside all my objections by taking upon himself the responsibility for all the consequences. He also promised to write about it himself to the High Governing Senate and pledged himself to give me all possible opportunities so that I might accomplish something worth while and to give me as many men as I should want whenever needed, since I should have to leave those of my own command behind. Subsequently he also sent me a formal document, after having held a sea council of all the officers attached to the expedition, officially charging me, it is true, with the observation during the proposed voyage of the mineral kingdom only. In consideration of all this I decided to accept the offer, seeing that it could not interfere with my Kamchatka investigations, with which I was particularly entrusted. I hope therefore that my venture, devoid as it was of all personal gain, will be received the more graciously the more exclusively it will be found to have been based upon the general good and the advantage of the Imperial Academy of Sciences as well as upon my own prescribed duties. I consequently expect anything but punishment for undertaking something without orders, since the great distance did not permit me to submit extensive representations and then await instructions for carrying out an enterprise which could wait only a few days for my own arbitrary decision but not for orders from far away. For this reason I venture beforehand to promise myself a gracious pardon, when, after an absence of fourteen months and a six months’^[37] miserable and dangerous sea voyage, I reappear with few useful discoveries, through no fault of mine but because the Captain Commander kept his promise to me so poorly that he only let me see the American mainland from a distance and was finally persuaded at last to put me ashore on three islands,^[38] though only for a few hours, without any assistance, like a malefactor, and with great reluctance and many sarcastic remarks not encouraging to my honest zeal. Moreover, no proposal of mine, not even the most insignificant, was considered worthy of being accepted, because those in command were too much imbued with their own wisdom, until the disastrous end and a just dispensation exposed their unfortunately too naked vanity.^[39] It was the resentment at having already been so long in Siberia and having to stay there still longer which spurred these gentlemen^[40] on to do in one summer’s voyage and in one attempt that which, according to a moderate calculation, would necessarily require two summers.

They did not take it into consideration that during the beginning of July the Kamchatkan coast between 56° and 51° is often beset with ice and that this ice cannot come, as they alleged, from the strait between the Chukchi Promontory and America, because ice is absent to the northeast of the mouth of the Anadyr and very rare from the Anadyr to Olyutora,^[41] while on the other hand from Uka or Ukinski Bay^[42] to Kamchatka [Bay] and from there to Lopatka it is seen every year. From this, I say, must necessarily follow: (1) that this ice is drift ice from the American rivers; (2) that the American continent must lie nearest to the region where this drift ice ordinarily is observed every year; (3) that, because this ice usually drifts ashore after three days of continuous east wind, the nearest land in this region must necessarily be supposed to be directly to the eastward; (4) that when 56° north latitude is passed there is no drift ice and consequently no further obstacle is to be feared from it. On the contrary, it was erroneously assumed^[43] that this ice comes from Chukchi Promontory and consequently would obstruct navigation during June and July in case it was decided to turn in a northerly direction or even to conduct a survey opposite the Chukchi Promontory, where everybody thought America to be nearest. It was decided, therefore, at the start, to assume gradually a course between east and south in order to be able, after going about 20° of longitude from Avacha, to discover, somewhere between 45° and 46° north latitude, the alleged Company Land discovered by the Dutch,^[44] from which it was believed with certainty that it would be easier to discover America or the coasts of America projecting towards the west reported by Gama^[45] in this neighborhood. If, however, no land were made on this course, it was the intention to proceed farther between east and north, turning more and more northerly, because it was hoped towards the middle of July to find the sea there clear of all ice and thus to lose no time. If in doing so America should be reached, it was proposed to follow the coast in a northerly direction until we came to the parallels of 64° to 66°, where the farthest point of Asia, or the Chukchi Promontory, is situated, toward which it was then intended to turn in a westerly direction and, after having determined the distance between both continents in the north, to make ready for the return to the home port. However, in view of the winds and the distance, the necessary proviso was made that the coast should be followed only long enough for the time to admit of the port [Avacha] being reached again by the end of September, when it was intended to let the remaining part of the investigation be conditioned on a second voyage the following year.

It is admittedly true that originally Captain Commander Bering had firmly resolved to pass a winter in America and in the spring to finish from America the remainder of the task, which on account of the shortness of the summer and the long distance would not have been accomplished in one [outward] trip, and then embark upon the return voyage. In that case not only would have been prevented the great disaster to the crew, many of whom because of the too protracted voyage in the late autumn died from scurvy and exposure, but an exact knowledge of the land and information as to its people and products would also have been obtained, while the whole expedition could have been finished in excellent condition and to the greatest advantage of the Empire. However, the execution of this plan had already been rendered impossible by Fleet Master Khitrov^[46] and [his] two misfortunes. First, through him all the ready supply of biscuits for both packet-boats was lost in Okhotsk in 1740 at the mouth of the Okhota River. Secondly, later on the supplies destined for Avacha in place of the former had to be unloaded at the Bolshaya River; because of the transportation of these, which was to be undertaken by dog teams during the winter, the Koryaks on the Tigil^[47] rebelled even before a start was made, since it became necessary, in order [to be able] to deliver five poods^[48] of supplies per man at the port [Avacha], to gather natives from a distance of five to six hundred versts at Bolsheretsk Post. During this process they were treated very harshly by the men sent out for the purpose [of gathering them in], and they were also led to suspect that something else might be intended.—Owing to these circumstances the Captain Commander as well as the other officers, in order not to incur a shortage, found themselves compelled to organize two separate voyages for the accomplishment of this task, as, even so, the delays caused by the investigation of the rebels and the constant drunken state of Kolessov, the commander of Kamchatka, brought it about that we could not leave the Harbor of St. Peter and St. Paul before the beginning of June, while in other respects the month of May was suitable and [originally] determined on.

Account of the Sea Voyage from Kamchatka to America^[49] [and Return]

Towards the end of May, in the year 1741, all the necessary preparations for the voyage to America were at last completed, and the packet-boats St. Peter and St. Paul moved out of the harbor on May 29 and anchored in the roadstead of Avacha Bay to wait for a fair wind in order to clear the entrance. On the St. Peter, which I also boarded, there were^[50] Captain Commander Bering as commanding officer, Lieutenant Waxel, Fleet Master Khitrov, mate Hesselberg, second mate Yushin, assistant surgeon Betge, assistant constable Roselius, guard marine Sint, boatswain Nils Jansen, assistant navigator Khotyaintsov, commissary Lagunov,^[51] surveyor Plenisner, the rest of the crew, viz. sailors, soldiers, five sons of Kamchatkan cossacks as sailor-apprentices, interpreters, and men supposed to be familiar with all places on the Kamchatkan coast, one of whom was in my service as a hunter, making a total, including the son of the lieutenant, of 76 men.^[52]—On the other packet-boat, the St. Paul, were Captain Chirikov, Lieutenants Chikhachev and Plautin, Professor of Astronomy Delisle de la Croyère, Fleet Master Dementiev, mate Elagin, one guard marine, one commissary, the assistant surgeon Lau, sailors, soldiers, as well as sons of Kamchatkan cossacks, likewise [a total of] 76 men.^[53]

On June 4, about nine o’clock, we sailed at last out of Avacha Bay into the ocean and entered on our real voyage with favorable wind and weather. We sailed with southwest and south-southwest winds on the initial ESE and SE by E courses, so that on the eighth day of our journey, that is to say on June 11, we found ourselves 155 Dutch miles^[54] from Avacha in latitude 46° 47′.^[55]

On June 12 we noticed for the first time rather distinct signs of land to the south or southeast of us. The sea being quite calm we observed various kinds of seaweed suddenly drifting about our ship in large quantities, especially the sea oak,^[56] which do not as a rule occur very far from the coast, inasmuch as the tide always carries them back towards the land. We also saw gulls, the large gulls (Diomedea exulans), and the ducks called rock ducks in Kamchatka (Anas histrionica),^[57] all birds which are never seen in the open sea or very far from land. From all these [indications] it might be inferred that if the initial course were continued still farther, land would be reached shortly.^[58] Just at the time, however, when it was most necessary to apply reason in order to attain the wished-for object, the erratic behavior of the naval officers began. They commenced to ridicule sneeringly and to leave unheeded every opinion offered by anybody not a seaman, as if, with the rules of navigation, they had also acquired all other science and logic. And at the time when a single day—so many of which were afterwards spent in vain—might have been decisive for the whole enterprise, the course was suddenly changed to north. On this course for the first time we experienced a slight storm, and our first misfortune occurred when, owing to foggy and dark weather, the other ship, the St. Paul, under the command of Captain Chirikov, became separated from us and was not seen again during the entire voyage.—Because even thus early a beginning had been made to carry out another scheme, namely not to let the Captain Commander, who constantly stayed in the cabin, know more than was considered advisable, another misfortune occurred, in that the story told by some of the men who thought that they had seen land to the north—a story, if not infallible, at least apparently very probable—was neither listened to nor considered worthy of any consideration, until during the return voyage, on August 24,^[59] unexpectedly and to the terror of all, land was sighted on the 51st parallel, whereupon the voices of the penitents were heard too late. This, according to the ship’s reckoning, must have been the land where we lost Captain Chirikov, and already then it seemed to several persons as if they had seen land, a circumstance at that time regarded as a trivial matter since none of the naval officers themselves had seen it. Moreover, they considered it then a greater honor to run farther, along the land, so as to be able to boast of having traveled very far and suffered much unnecessarily.

After having searched several days in vain for the lost packet-boat and any further hope of finding it had vanished, we sailed once more south from the 50th to the 46th degree in the hope of finding the St. Paul or Company Land on this course. However, having failed in both, and as the appearance of Company Land had now been awaited in vain a second time without its having ever come into view in the place demanded, the conclusion to regard it as an imaginary land—an invention of the Nuremberg map makers,^[60] over which either our ship or Captain Spanberg’s^[61] necessarily must have sailed, if it had a real existence—became unavoidable. As if those gentlemen had not laid themselves open to the suspicion of being capable of committing just such a geographical blunder, by the fact alone that one of them pointed out our course on the map of the world in the sea off Canada,^[62] while another asserted with all his might against me that Canton lies on the 45th parallel and the Maldive Islands lie in the Mediterranean Sea.—They consequently now began to repudiate utterly said Company Land, although they could have had no other reason for going so far south than to search for it in all seriousness. On June 18^[63] the beginning was made in earnest to go east and gradually north, so that for every two or three degrees in longitude one degree of latitude was gained.

After we had sailed on this course for several days and had come once more as far as the 52nd parallel, there appeared again very many signs of a land situated not far from us to the north, along which we ran for exactly four weeks until July 18 in such a way that on said day, on which we actually saw land for the first time,^[64] we were in north latitude 59° and some minutes and 49° of longitude from Avacha, consequently nearly 500 Dutch miles away.

It should cause no wonder that I have summarized the happenings of a four weeks’ voyage over such a long distance thus briefly. The reason is that, running steadily along with constantly fair wind and weather, we saw nothing but sky and sea and heard only from the officers exclamations and expressions of amazement over how we could have erred so fundamentally as to believe Kamchatka to be separated by a narrow channel from America, which now was found to be so remote. The brazen and very vulgar snubs by the officers, who coarsely and sneeringly rejected all well-founded and timely admonishings and propositions, thinking that they were still dealing with cossacks and poor exiles freighting provisions from Yakutsk to Okhotsk, who had simply to obey and keep still without talking back, had been the cause of closing the mouth of myself as well as of others long ago. No matter what we observed and might discuss for the benefit of the general good as well as the public interest, the answer was always ready: “You do not understand it; you are not a seaman; you have not^[65] been in God’s council chamber!”—For the first time^[66] I had here the sad occasion to see how it happens that often the greatest and most useful undertakings may in the end, in spite of all care given and great expenses [involved] and although granted all possible resources, accomplish very much less, as far as the public good is concerned, than was planned for originally; while on the other hand the smallest beginnings, through mutual and earnest coöperation in word and deed, of minds devoid of all egotistic aims and gain, may grow into mighty achievements which pay interest on the outlay a thousandfold.—It should be stated here that during the ten years in Siberia, when every one lived as he pleased and demanded and received so much homage from the ignorant mob as suited his notions, the greater number of our officers completely forgot themselves and, through habit, fell into the delusion of being infallible or feeling insulted when anyone mentioned anything of which they were ignorant. Even Captain Spanberg’s attitude gives a clear proof of this, as he conducted himself towards the representatives of the Academy of Sciences in a similar manner.^[67]

The reasons for which I long ago concluded that we had been sailing close to and along the land I shall now place before everybody for intelligent judgment, just as I presented them so often on our trip, but in vain, to the naval officers, viz.: We saw frequently floating from the north, and many times in large quantities, various seaweeds^[68] (Fuci), especially the sea oak (Quercus marina); the Alga dentata Raji, which grows on rocks in two or three feet of water; the Fuci membranacei calyciformes already opened, which was a certain indication that they had been lying for some time on the beach and had again been carried off by the tide; the Fucus clavae effigie,^[P2] which grows in two fathoms of water but nowhere around Kamchatka; the Fucus lapathi sanguinei foliis Tournef., which, if it had been drifting long at sea, would on account of its tenderness have been quickly torn to pieces by the waves or eaten by the sea animals which were constantly seen in large numbers and are very fond of it. We observed also red and white sea nettles (Priapi Lin.),^[69] which cling to the rocks at low tide in at least five or six feet of water and, according to my experience in the Sea of Penzhina,^[70] are never met with until one has approached the coast to within fifteen to twenty miles.—One time^[71] it even happened that there came drifting by the ship a large mass of the large reed grass^[P3][72] common in Kamchatka, which was a most infallible indication of a near coast, because this grass grows everywhere along the beaches of the ocean, both in Kamchatka and America, and on account of the smoothness of its straw would long have been scattered if it had not been carried by the tide immediately from shore towards us. Other vegetable objects which from day to day and from hour to hour were noted down in my diary need not be mentioned.

Even though such irrefutable indications of a near land were submitted with reason, great respect, and patience to the officers and they were advised to lay the course toward the north in order to reach land sooner, and even though the Captain Commander had always himself been of the same opinion but, being outvoted by the other officers, had felt himself constrained to yield without necessity and in spite of his rank and authority, nevertheless he considered it, as did the other officers, ridiculous, beneath his dignity, and annoying to receive such advice from me, a man not versed in nautical matters. Therefore he used to answer me offhand that I did not know how to judge such affairs; in many parts of the ocean the whole sea was overgrown with weeds; what could I say to that? It did no good to reply that I was as fully aware of this fact as I was of the places near the Cape Verde and the Bermuda Islands where these seaweeds, the names of which I also knew, were drifting about; or that I knew the reason why plants could grow in those regions but not here in the north, where the sea water, on account of the different effect of the sun, was quite differently constituted; or finally that it is no secret what the nature of these [seaweeds] is and in what manner they have been transplanted.

It seemed to everyone absurd and incredible that anyone should maintain the existence of a current^[P4] in the sea, although we clearly observed its effects, inasmuch as the objects floating in the sea kept to a definite direction frequently even contrary to that of the winds, so that during the southwest and southeast winds which we were having these things drifted toward us from the north. On account of this incredulity the necessary precautions which have to be observed in the ship’s reckoning on account of the currents were not taken, either on the outward or return voyage; consequently through cocksureness many errors, because of the great distance between the two continents, may have crept in.^[73] Afterwards, indeed, on the return voyage, they saw with their own eyes how often—almost continuously—they had previously been sailing close to land; that the sea was full of islands, and that consequently such currents were entirely possible; also that even the reckoning itself had failed.

Another argument from which it was to be infallibly concluded that we were under the lee of the land and not far from it was furnished by the frequent occurrence of marine animals which are not commonly met with in the open sea. It is known that the heart of the hair seals has the so-called foramen ovale as well as the ductus arteriosus Botalli open, in consequence of which these animals are enabled to remain a long time under water and, as fish-eaters, to secure their food in all parts of the ocean, even at a considerable distance from land. Nevertheless, it has been observed that they seldom venture ten miles from land and never more than twenty. As we frequently caught sight of seals, it might easily have been surmised that land must be near.

The constant occurrence of the Kamchatkan sea beaver,^[P5] or more correctly sea otter, furnished a still stronger proof. This animal lives solely and entirely on crustaceans and shellfish and cannot, because of the structure of its heart, remain under water more than two minutes without inhaling air, and it is therefore compelled to keep close to the shore, as it is not able to look for food at depths of sixty to a hundred fathoms, nor would it find any even if it were able to. From all this evidence the conclusion was inevitable that land was near. As the strongest evidence that America was nearest to the east of and opposite the coast of Kamchatka between 51° and 56°, I have always regarded the fact that in Kamchatka the sea otter is found in this latitude only, in the sea which is therefore called the Beaver Sea, but not farther north nor farther south.^[P6] Otherwise there would seem to be no good reason why the sea otter should not also be found as far north as 57° or 58°, about Olyutora, or as far south as 49° or 50°, among the farther Kurile Islands, since in America we met with these animals almost in latitude 60°, in the neighborhood of Cape St. Elias, [and since] it is also well known that they occur in latitude 10° on the American coast, and even in Brazil, from which country Marggraf has described them. The fact is that the sea otter is an animal peculiar to America and only a newcomer and stranger in Kamchatka. Owing to the wide expanse of sea and the lack of food it cannot, on account of its organization, get across above 56° north latitude or below 50° south latitude, but only through the so-called Beaver Sea, where in a straight line it may not have more than twenty miles from shore to shore, a distance it can cover comfortably in thirty-six hours without suffering from hunger.^[74]

Moreover, at different times, we saw sitting on the water large flocks of gulls which, particularly in June, always keep close to the coast where the fishes approach the land and ascend the streams from the sea in the greatest number and thus afford them the most abundant food supply. We saw these gulls always fly in a northerly or northwesterly direction until lost to our view. How easy and necessary would it not have been to have convinced oneself of the correctness or incorrectness of such an obvious supposition as to the nearness of land by sailing a few hours in a northerly direction, especially since the constant fogs did not permit a view of more than a few miles, while the winds on the outward trip were so fair that we could not have wished them better for the accomplishment of a great venture.

I pass over several circumstances which gave enough occasion for conjecture. But while other navigators on expeditions of discovery, such as one reads of in accounts of travels, paid attention to all details and tried to profit by them, in our case on the contrary the biggest and plainest signs and most evident reasons were disregarded and made light of. As a result of this state of affairs we reached land six weeks after leaving Avacha, whereas if we had sailed on a northeast course we might have made it in three or four days, or in ten days at the most if we had followed the course originally agreed on, provided the above-mentioned signs and indications of the nearness of land had been taken advantage of.^[P7] In fact, even on July 16, the Thursday on which the land became for the first time clearly visible, it was as good as decided that, if land were not sighted by July 20, we would return to Avacha because our supply of water was already more than half consumed.

We saw land as early as July 15,^[75] but because I was the first to announce it and because forsooth it was not so distinct that a picture could be made of it, the announcement, as usual, was regarded as one of my peculiarities; yet on the following day, in very clear weather, it came into view in the same place. The land was here very much elevated; the mountains,^[76] observed extending inland, were so lofty that we could see them quite plainly at sea at a distance of sixteen Dutch miles. I cannot recall having seen higher mountains anywhere in Siberia and Kamchatka. The coast was everywhere much indented and therefore provided with numerous bays and inlets close to the mainland.^[77]

Once having determined to tell the truth and be impartial in all things, I must not fail to mention one circumstance which perhaps may not escape the notice of the high authorities but may receive an interpretation different from the actual facts.—It can easily be imagined how happy every one was when land was finally sighted; nobody failed to congratulate the Captain Commander, whom the glory for the discovery mostly concerned. He, however, received it all not only very indifferently and without particular pleasure, but in the presence of all he even shrugged his shoulders while looking at the land. Had the Commander survived and had he intended to take any action against his officers because of their misdoings, they would have been ready to point to his conduct then as evidence of his evil-minded disposition. But the good Captain Commander was much superior to his officers in looking into the future, and in the cabin he expressed himself to me and Mr. Plenisner as follows: “We think now we have accomplished everything, and many go about greatly inflated, but they do not consider where we have reached land, how far we are from home, and what may yet happen; who knows but that perhaps trade winds^[78] may arise, which may prevent us from returning? We do not know this country; nor are we provided with supplies for a wintering.”—Now that we were close to land it was great fun to listen to the conflicting expressions of great self-conceit and expectations of future reward and pathetic effusions. Some would at once make for the shore and search for a harbor. Others represented this as very dangerous. However, everybody acted for himself, and no one made any representations to the Captain Commander. Councils and commissions, that were so often called on shore in case of trivial matters, were neglected now when we had come to the most important business and the culmination of the ten years’ Kamchatka Expedition, and it was quite plain that we had nothing in common and nothing to keep us united except that we were locked up together on the same ship.

Since after July 16 more noteworthy happenings occurred daily than during the six preceding weeks, I shall from now on continue my record according to what took place each day.^[79]

On the 17th, the wind being light, we gradually drew nearer the land. On Saturday, the 18th, we were so close to it towards evening, that we were enabled to view with the greatest pleasure the beautiful forests close down to the sea, as well as the great level ground in from the shore at the foot of the mountains. The beach itself was flat, level, and, as far as we could observe, sandy. We kept the mainland to the right and sailed northwesterly in order to get behind a high island^[80] which consisted of a single mountain covered with spruce trees only. This had to be accomplished by continuous tacking, as the wind was contrary, the coming night being consumed with this.

On Sunday, the 19th, we were opposite the northwestern^[81] end of the island, about two miles distant. This morning there arose again a petty quarrel. We had already noticed the day before the channel between the mainland and the island, and the thought occurred at once to me that a notably large stream must be flowing from the land into the channel, the current of which could be observed two miles from shore while the difference in the water could be inferred partly from the floating matter and partly from the lesser salinity; it was consequently my opinion that an attempt could have been made to enter this channel,^[82] where it would have been just as safe to anchor as, if not safer than, in the place under the lee of the island selected on the 20th. It might even have been possible to find a harbor for our ship, with its nine feet draught, in the mouth of the river, which was large enough and therefore probably also deep enough. But the retort I got was, Whether I had been there before and made certain of it? Yet in uncertain things it is better to act on even the slightest indication than for no reason at all and only trusting to good luck.

The day was spent in tacking in order to get close to the island, to enter the large bay seen from the distance, and at the same time to come under the lee of the land. This was also accomplished, with the greatest apprehension, when on Monday the 20th we came to anchor among numerous islands. The outermost of these had to be named Cape St. Elias, because we dropped our anchor under the lee of it on St. Elias’ day. For the officers were determined to have a cape on their chart notwithstanding the fact that it was plainly represented to them that an island cannot be called a cape,^[83] but that only a noticeable projection of land into the sea in a certain direction can be so designated, the same meaning being conveyed by the Russian word nos (nose), while in the present case the island would represent nothing but a detached head or a detached nose.

Orderly management as well as the importance of the matter would now have demanded a harmonious consideration of what ought to be done, how to utilize the time and opportunity to the best advantage, what to explore on shore and how to go about it; furthermore, whether, considering the season and the provisions as well as the distance, the following up of the coast should be continued at this late time of the year, or whether we should winter here, or, finally, try the straight way for home. However, all this was not considered worthy the calling of a council, but everyone kept silent and did as he pleased. Only on one point were all unanimous, viz. that we should take fresh water on board, so that I could not help saying that we had come only for the purpose of bringing American water to Asia.^[P8] It was agreed, besides, that the small yawl should be used for the transportation of the water, while the larger one should be given to Master Khitrov with a sufficient crew and ammunition in order that he might explore the country, a task for which he possessed the best qualifications. I asked to be sent with Khitrov, since after all he himself did not know everything, but in spite of his making the same request permission was refused. At first an attempt was made to scare me with dreadful tales of murder, to which I answered that I had never been so womanish as to fear danger and that I could not guess why I should not be allowed to go ashore, especially since that was in the line of my principal work, my calling, and my duty and that it was my determination to serve the Crown to the best of my ability in the future, as I had done in the past; moreover, that, if for reprehensible reasons I were not given the permission, I would report this action in the terms it deserved. For this I was called a wild man, who would not let himself be held back from business even when treated to chocolate, which was just then being prepared. Seeing now that it was the intention to force me against my will to inexcusable neglect of my duty, I finally put all respect aside and prayed a particular prayer,^[84] by which the Commander was at once mollified so as to let me go ashore with the water carriers, without any assistance whatever and with no other person but the cossack Thomas Lepekhin, whom I myself had brought with me. On my leaving the ship he again made a test as to how far I could distinguish between mockery and earnest, by causing the trumpets to be sounded after me, at which, without hesitation,^[85] I accepted the affair in the spirit in which it was ordered.^[86] By this time I saw only too clearly why he had wanted to persuade me to go along. I was to fulfill in my person one point of the instructions,^[87] in regard to which it would otherwise have been impossible to give an accounting, namely that which related to the investigation of the mineral resources by certain properly qualified persons. For eight years it had been forgotten to requisition them from Ekaterinburg,^[88] and the assayer Hartepol, who was staying at Okhotsk, had been sent to Yakutsk in order to accompany Spanberg, so that at the departure he could not be taken along. Under the circumstances it was intended that I, though only in name, should confer upon the whole affair a greater distinction and at the same time fill the office of ship’s doctor and physician in ordinary, since with an assistant surgeon it was considered that [the expedition] was too poorly supplied.

Fig. 1—Reduced facsimile of fol. 15 of the MS copy of Steller’s journal located by F. A. Golder in 1917 in the archives of the Academy of Sciences at Petrograd. (The MS consists of 111 pages besides the title page.)

The equivalent of this section is included between the words “the larger one should be given to Master Khitrov,” p. 37, and “ship’s doctor and physician in ordinary, since with an,” p. 41, of the present translation.

Fig. 2—Facsimile of page from the published version of Steller’s journal, as edited by Pallas (Neue Nordische Beyträge, Vol. 5, 1793, p. 158, or book form, p. 30), corresponding to the lower three-quarters of the section from the MS journal reproduced on the opposite page.

The events of the day consequently relate to four distinct parties: Half of the command, including all of the officers except the master [Khitrov],^[89] remained on board as watch, busying themselves with hauling out the empty and stowing away the filled water casks. With another party I was sent off after water, to make watery observations, while others were out on a windy expedition.

Fig. 3—Khitrov’s sketch map of St. Elias (Kayak) Island (see Vol. 1, p. 99), reproduced from Sokolov, Zapiski Hydrogr. Depart., Vol. 9, St. Petersburg, 1851.

Note the representation of the mountains as seen from the side, laid down on the ground plan of the coasts. The cloud-capped mountains on the mainland are Mt. St. Elias and adjacent peaks.

Fig. 4—Modern map of Kayak Island (section from U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey Chart No. 8513). Scale, 1:345,000.

As soon as I, with only the protection and assistance of my own cossack, had landed on the island^[90] and realized how scant and precious was the time at my disposal, I seized every opportunity to accomplish as much as possible with the greatest possible dispatch. I struck out in the direction of the mainland in the hopes of finding human beings and habitations. I had not gone more than a verst along the beach before I ran across signs of people and their doings. Under a tree I found an old piece of a log hollowed out in the shape of a trough, in which, a couple of hours before, the savages, for lack of pots and vessels, had cooked their meat by means of red-hot stones,^[91] just as the Kamchadals did formerly.^[92] The bones, some of them with bits of meat and showing signs of having been roasted at the fire, were scattered about where the eaters had been sitting. I could see plainly that these bones belonged to no sea animal, but to a land animal, and I thought myself justified in regarding them as reindeer bones,^[93] though no such animal was observed on the island but was probably brought there from the mainland. There were also strewn about the remains of yukola, or pieces of dried fish, which, as in Kamchatka, has to serve the purpose of bread at all meals. There were also great numbers of very large scallops^[94] over eight inches across, also blue mussels similar to those found in Kamchatka and, no doubt, eaten raw as the custom is there. In various shells, as on dishes, I found sweet grass^[P9] completely prepared in Kamchadal fashion, on which water seemed to have been poured in order to extract the sweetness.^[95] I discovered further [not far from the fireplace]^[96] beside the tree, on which there still were the live coals, a wooden apparatus for making fire,^[97] of the same nature as those used in Kamchatka. The tinder, however, which the Kamchadals make from a species of grass, was here different, namely a species of fountain moss (Alga fontinalis),^[98] which was bleached white by the sun and of which I have kept a sample to be forwarded.—From all this I think I may conclude that the inhabitants of this American coast are of the same origin as the Kamchadals,^[99] with whom they agree completely in such peculiar customs and utensils, particularly the preparation of the sweet grass, which have not been communicated even to the Siberian natives nearest to Kamchatka, for instance the Tunguses and Koryaks. But if this is so, then it may also be conjectured that America extends farther westward and, opposite Kamchatka, is much nearer in the north, since in view of such a great distance as we traveled of at least 500 miles, it is not credible that the Kamchadals would have been able to get there in their miserable craft.

Fig. 5—Kayak Island seen from the southeast. Cape St. Elias is cloud-capped. The detached rock is Pinnacle Rock (see Fig. 4).

Fig. 6—Cape St. Elias and Pinnacle Rock seen from the west.

Fig. 7—The western shore of south-central Kayak Island seen from the west. The hill in the left background is the one Steller climbed, which it is here proposed (footnote 109) to call Steller’s Hill.

(Figs. 5 and 6 from photos by The Alaska Shop, Cordova; Fig. 7 from photo by L. Stejneger, June 30, 1922.)

Fig. 8—Rock fall on western shore of Kayak Island, a mile and a half southwest of the base of Steller’s Hill, seen in the middle distance. Wingham Island faintly visible in the left background.

Fig. 9—Mouth of a creek on the western shore of Kayak Island, presumably at the spot where Steller landed on July 20 (O.S.), 1741 (marked “Watering Place” on Fig. 4).

Fig. 10—The same spot closer by.

(From photos by L. Stejneger, June 30, 1922.)

The chopped-down trees, as I came across them here and there, were miscut with many dull blows in such a way that in all likelihood the cutting of trees must be done by these savages, as in Kamchatka, with stone or bone axes similar to those used by the Germans of old^[100] and known today as “thunderbolts.”

After having made a brief examination of all this I pushed on farther for about three versts, where I found a path leading into the very thick and dark forest which skirted the shore closely.^[101] I held a brief consultation with my cossack, who had a loaded gun, besides a knife and ax, as to what we should do in case we met one or more persons, and I commanded him to do nothing whatever without my orders. I myself was only armed with a Yakut palma (dagger)^[102] for the purpose of digging up rocks and plants. No sooner had we taken this path than I noticed that the natives had tried to cover it up but had been prevented by our quick approach and as a result had made it only more conspicuous. We saw many trees recently bared of bark and conjectured that they must have used it for houses or ambars^[103] and that these must be near by, since in whatever direction we looked there was no lack of fine forests. However, as the first trail broke up into a number of paths through the forest, we explored some of them for a little distance into the wood, and after half an hour we came to a spot covered with cut grass. I pushed the grass aside at once and found underneath a cover consisting of rocks; and when this was also removed we came to some tree bark, which was laid on poles in an oblong rectangle three fathoms in length and two in width. All this covered a cellar two fathoms deep in which were the following objects; (1) lukoshkas, or utensils made of bark, one and a half ells^[104] high, filled with smoked fish of a species of Kamchatkan salmon at Okhotsk called nerka in the Tungus language but in Kamchatka known by the common name krasnaya ryba.^[105] It was so cleanly and well prepared that I have never seen it as good in Kamchatka, and it also was much superior in taste to the Kamchatkan;^[106] (2) a quantity of sladkaya trava [or sweet grass,] from which liquor is distilled; (3) different kinds of plants, whose outer skin had been removed like hemp, which I took for nettles, which grow here in profusion and perhaps are used, as in Kamchatka, for making fish nets; (4) the dried inner bark from the larch or spruce tree done up in rolls and dried; the same is used as food in time of famine, not only in Kamchatka but all through Siberia and even in Russia as far as Khlynov and elsewhere on the Vyatka;^[107] (5) large bales of thongs made of seaweed which, by making a test, we found to be of uncommon strength and firmness.^[108]

Under these I found also some arrows in size greatly exceeding those in Kamchatka and approaching the arrows of the Tunguses and Tatars, scraped very smooth and painted black, so that one might well conjecture that the natives possessed iron instruments and knives.

In spite of my fear of being attacked in the cellar I continued my search but, discovering nothing more, took away with me, as proof, two bundles of fish, the arrows, a wooden implement for making fire, tinder, a bundle of thongs of seaweed, bark, and grass and sent them by my cossack to the place where the water was being taken on, with instructions to bring them to the Captain Commander; at the same time I asked once more for two or three men to help me further in my investigations of nature; I also had those on shore warned not to feel too secure but to be well on their guard. I then covered over the cellar as it had been and proceeded, now all alone, with my project of investigating the noteworthy features of the three kingdoms of nature until my cossack should return. However, when I had gone about six versts, I came to a steep rock extending so far into the sea beyond the beach that it was impossible to go farther.^[109] I determined to climb the rock and after much difficulty reached the top, where I discovered that the east side was steep as a wall and that it was impossible to proceed farther. I therefore turned south in the hope of getting to the other side of the island in order to follow the beach there to the channel and thus investigate my theory regarding the existence there of a river and harbor. However, as I descended the mountain, which was covered with a thick and dark forest, without finding any trace of a path, I saw that I could not get through here. Considering at the same time that it would be impossible for my cossack to find me, also that I was too far away from the others in case something should happen, and that it might be impossible for me to return before nightfall, not to mention other dangers, which I should not have feared had I had the least assistance of companions, I climbed the mountain again and looked once more sorrowfully at the barrier to my investigations, with real regret over the action of those who had in their hands the direction of such important matters, for which nevertheless all of them had let themselves be rewarded with money and honors.

When I was once more on the top of the mountain and turned my eyes towards the mainland to take a good look at least at that country on which I was not vouchsafed to employ my endeavors more fruitfully, I noticed smoke some versts away^[110] ascending from a charming hill covered with spruce forest, so that I could now entertain the certain hope of meeting with people and learning from them the data I needed for a complete report. For that reason I returned in great haste and went back, loaded with my collections, to the place where I had landed. Through the men who were just ready to hurry back to the ship in the boat I informed the Captain Commander and asked him for the small yawl and a few men for a couple of hours. Dead tired, I made in the meantime descriptions on the beach of the rarer plants which I was afraid might wither and was delighted to be able to test out the excellent water for tea.

In an hour or so I received the patriotic and courteous reply that I should betake myself on board quickly or they would leave me ashore without waiting for me.—I reflected that God gives to each one the place and the opportunity to do that which he is ordered to do, so as to enable one to present one’s services favorably to the highest authorities and after long waiting and untold expenses to the Empress [i.e. Government] work out one’s destinies. However, as matters now stand, it is probable that at our departure we all saw Russia for the last time, since under the present circumstances it is impossible to expect the divine help on the return voyage, if wind and weather were to become as hostile [toward us] as we have been to the general object of the expedition and thereby to our own good fortune.—However, since there was now no time left for moralizing, only enough to scrape together as much as possible before our fleeing the country, and as evening was already nearing, I sent my cossack out to shoot some rare birds that I had noticed, while I once more started off to the westward, returning at sunset with various observations and collections.—Here I was given once more the strict command that, unless I came on board this time, no more notice would be taken of me. I consequently betook myself with what I had collected to the ship and there, to my great astonishment, was treated to chocolate.—

Although I did not need to trouble myself for the benefit of anybody except those who were capable of judging what I was doing, I nevertheless showed some of the objects and made known my ideas about various things, but only a single one of these was accepted. Namely, an iron kettle, a pound of tobacco, a Chinese pipe, and a piece of Chinese silk were sent to the cellar, but in return the latter was plundered to such an extent that, if we should come again to these parts, the natives would certainly run away even faster or they would show themselves as hostile as they themselves had been treated, especially if it should occur to them to eat or drink the tobacco, the correct use of which probably could be as little known to them as the pipe itself.—A couple of knives or hatchets, the use of which was quite obvious, would have aroused the interest of these savages much more.^[111] But to this it was objected that such presents might be regarded as a sign of hostility, as if the intention were to declare war. How much more likely was it, particularly if they attempted to use the tobacco in the wrong way, for them to conclude that we had intended to poison them! On the other hand, we learned later how gladly the savages had accepted a few knives from Captain Chirikov^[112] and how eager they were to have more.

I had been on the ship scarcely an hour when Khitrov with his party of about fifteen men also returned in the great boat and made the following report:^[113] He had discovered among the islands lying close to the mainland a harbor where one could anchor without any danger. Although he had seen no human beings on land, he had nevertheless come across a small dwelling built of wood, the walls of which were so smooth^[114] that it seemed as if they had been planed and in fact as if it had been done with cutting tools.^[115] Out of this building he brought with him various tangible tokens, for instance, a wooden vessel, such as is made in Russia of linden bark and used as a box; a stone which perhaps, for lack of something better, served as a whetstone, on which were seen streaks of copper,^[116] as if the savages, like the ancient Siberian tribes, possessed cutting tools of copper;^[117] further a hollow ball of hard-burned clay, about two inches in diameter, containing a pebble^[118] which I regarded as a toy for small children; and finally a paddle and the tail of a blackish gray fox.

These, then, are all our achievements and observations, and these not even from the mainland, on which none of us set foot, but only from an island which seemed to be three miles long and a half mile wide^[119] and the nearest to the mainland (which here forms a large bay studded with many islands) and separated from it by a channel less than half a mile wide. The only reason why we did not attempt to land on the mainland is a sluggish obstinacy and a dull fear of being attacked by a handful of unarmed and still more timid savages, from whom there was no reason to expect either friendship or hostility, and a cowardly homesickness which they probably thought might be excused, especially if those high in authority would pay no more attention to the testimony of the malcontents than did the commanding officers themselves. The time here spent in investigation bears an arithmetical ratio to the time used in fitting out: ten years the preparations for this great undertaking lasted, and ten^[120] hours were devoted to the work itself. Of the mainland we have a sketch on paper; of the country itself an imperfect idea, based upon what could be discovered on the island and upon conjectures.

What can be said from comparison and observations at a distance may be summed up about as follows: The American continent (on this side), as far as the climate is concerned, is notably better than that of the extreme northeastern part of Asia.^[121] For, although the land, wherever it faces the sea, whether we looked at it from near or far, consists of amazingly high mountains,^[122] most of which had the peaks covered with perpetual snow, yet these mountains, in comparison with those of Asia, are of a much better nature and character. The Asiatic mountains are thoroughly broken up and long since deprived of their coherency, consequently too loose for the circulation of mineral gases and devoid of all inner heat, accordingly also without precious metals.^[123] On the other hand the American mountains are solid; not naked rocks covered with moss but everywhere with good black soil,^[124] and therefore not, as are the former, barren, with stunted dwarf trees among the rocks, but densely covered to the highest peaks with the finest trees; also they are decked with short grass and herbs, some succulent, some drier, but not with moss, marsh vegetation, and water plants.^[125] The springs, of which I discovered so many, flow out of the valleys at the base of the mountains, and not as in Siberia everywhere among the rocks, often up to the summits and in stagnant hollows.^[126] The plants are about the same size and appearance whether found on the summit of the mountains or lower down, owing to the equally distributed interior heat and moisture. In Asia, on the other hand, the plants are often so different according to their station that one is tempted to make different species of the same plant if one is not mindful of this general difference, because a plant which in the valley is two ells high often on the mountains reappears scarcely half a foot high.—In America on the 60th parallel one sees most beautiful forests directly on the shore, while in latitude 51° in Kamchatka willow and alder bushes only begin 20 versts from the sea, birch woods not nearer than 30 to 40 versts, not to mention that no conifers are found there but are first seen 60 versts inland from the mouth of the Kamchatka River.^[127] In latitude 62°, for instance from Anadyrsk on, no tree is to be met with for 300 or 400 versts inland. I therefore hold that continuous land must extend northwards from Cape St. Elias to about 70° or farther,^[128] which by furnishing shelter against the north wind promotes the fertility of the coast, which moreover, towards the east, is protected by the mountains.^[129] On the other hand the Kamchatkan shores, particularly on the Sea of Penzhina, are directly exposed to the north winds; while the eastern side is somewhat better provided with trees, because of the protection of the Chukchi Promontory.^[130]—Owing to the milder temperature it also comes about that in America the fishes go up from the sea^[131] earlier than in Kamchatka. On July 20 we found there the fish supply already stored, while in Kamchatka this, the day of St. Elias, indicates the time only for the beginning of good fishing. That plants which only start to bloom in Kamchatka at this time already have mature seed here in America is only a partial argument, because in the northern regions the usually longer days and the sudden great heat and dryness contribute greatly to this result, as I had already observed in Yakutsk in 1740.

Whoever stops to consider how much one man, without assistance, can accomplish in ten^[132] hours on a small island will easily see that my failure to discover any minerals is not due to carelessness or laziness on my part. I confess freely that I observed nothing else than sand and gray rock. It is also well known that close to the beach Nature is neither able nor accustomed to produce anything outside of marcasites and pyrites.^[133]

Of fruit-bearing shrubs and plants I only met with a new and elsewhere unknown species of raspberry^[134] in great abundance, although not yet quite ripe. This fruit on account of its great size, shape, and delicious taste had well deserved that a few bushes of it should have been taken along in a box with soil and sent to St. Petersburg to be further propagated. It is not my fault that space for such was begrudged, since as a protester I myself took up too much space already.—Such well-known berries^[135] as the Chamaecerasi, red and black whortleberries, the scurvy berry, Empetrum, and such like were here as plentiful as in Kamchatka. The other plants collected by me in America I have recorded in a separate list.^[136]

The animals occurring there and supplying the natives with their meat for food and with their skins for clothing are, so far as I had opportunity to observe, hair seals,^[137] large and small sharks,^[138] whales, and plenty of sea otters, the excrements of which I found everywhere along the shore; from this circumstance it may also be concluded that the natives, because otherwise sufficiently provided with food, do not trouble themselves greatly about them, since otherwise these animals would not have come ashore, any more than they now do in Kamchatka, where there are so many people interested in their pelts. Of land animals, aside from what has been inferred above about the reindeer, I, as well as others, saw at various times black and red foxes^[139] and did not find them particularly shy, perhaps because they are hunted but little.—Of birds I saw only two familiar species, the raven and the magpie;^[140] however, of strange and unknown ones I noted more than ten different kinds, all of which were easily distinguished from the European and Siberian [species] by their very particularly bright coloring. Good luck, thanks to my huntsman, placed in my hands a single specimen, of which I remember to have seen a likeness painted in lively colors and described in the newest account of the birds and plants of the Carolinas published in French and English, the name of the author of which, however, does not occur to me now.^[P10] This bird proved to me that we were really in America. I would have enclosed the drawing herewith, were it not that I had to leave it behind, as my return voyage had to be made on foot from Avacha to the Bolshaya River, and consequently it will have to be forwarded at some future time.^[141]

After this brief sketch of the discovered land, I proceed with the account of our voyage.

On July 21 in the morning, two hours before daybreak, the Captain Commander, much against his usual practice, got up and came on deck and, without consulting anyone, gave orders to weigh anchor. Although Lieutenant Waxel earnestly requested that we might stay long enough at anchor until all the casks were filled with water, twenty being as yet empty, and nothing but homesickness compelled us to hurry, nevertheless and in spite of all the order was carried out, and we stood out of the bay, gradually gaining the sea. It was considered reason enough that the wind just then blew favorably for getting out and contrary for going into the harbor. When a few days later a light gale arose, there was consequently no little rejoicing over the fact that we were out of the bay and far from land. The Captain Commander then announced his opinion, which was to the following effect: Because of the approach of August and our ignorance of the land, the winds, and the sea, we should be satisfied for this year with the discovery already made and should not follow up the land farther nor hug the coast closely in making the home trip but should sail back on our former course. Although it might now be inferred that the land continued farther in a westerly direction, nobody could know whether it did not extend farther south towards Kamchatka, in which case we might run blindly on land at night or in a fog or be wrecked during the autumn gales on islands in an unknown sea. However, as this decision was given only in conversation and without being submitted to a sea council and though I did not hear the reply, I could clearly see from the subsequent actions of Lieutenant Waxel and Master Khitrov that they were not pleased with the project, and consequently we continued to keep near land until July 26, as these gentlemen thought it necessary always to follow the land along the coast, instead of which it might have been sufficient every time after sailing a hundred versts^[142] to try to go north one or two degrees. Thus it happened that during the night of July 27 with a light gale we got bottom at 60 fathoms, being a bank extending from shore into the sea, though fortunately for us the land itself was so far away that it was not seen.^[143]

On July 28 and 29 we had continuous stormy and wet weather. We had signs of the nearness of land by the same kind of floating objects as on the outward voyage, and I noticed them afterwards always prior to and before our coming in sight of land, which happened very often.

During July 30 and 31, as well as on August 1, we had beautiful, clear weather, a quiet sea, a favorable southeast wind, and made pretty good progress. About one o’clock in the night of August 1^[144] it was discovered on sounding that the ship was in four fathoms of water, though it was reported differently to the Captain Commander. The weather being calm, the ship was finally worked out so far from land that we reached eighteen and twenty fathoms, where we dropped anchor and waited for daylight.

We found ourselves on the morning of August 2 only about three versts distant from a rather large and wooded island.^[145] The weather was unusually pleasant and warm, sunshiny, and absolutely calm. Towards noon a sea lion^[146] appeared near the ship and swam continuously around it for more than half an hour. I asked the Captain Commander, as the wind and weather were so favorable, to let me go ashore for a couple of hours in the small boat to continue my investigations, but we got into a slight altercation on the subject with the result that he finally called a sea council in which it was agreed that in the future nobody should upbraid me, as if I, on my part, had not wanted to do my duty most zealously, to the best of my ability, and at every opportunity; this everybody promised, and I let it go at that. Towards evening I caught with the hook two unknown fishes of the same genus as the so-called Scorpii marini (Cottus).^[147] I made at once a description of them and preserved them in spirits, but they, with other rare collections, were lost during the disastrous stranding of the vessel in November. Towards evening we weighed anchor, passed by the island, and went out to sea in a westerly direction.

On August 3^[148] the mainland once more came into sight in latitude 56° and we saw it in NNW½W about fourteen miles from us, yet uncommonly distinct, owing to the high, snow-covered mountains.^[149] With an easterly wind we headed south because on the west the land was in our way. In fact we found ourselves, as it were, in a bay, since to the west and north we had the mainland and on the east the island under the lee of which we stood on August 2.

^[P11]On August 4, going on the southerly course, we finally sighted also between south and west, about two or three miles from us, many high, large, and wooded islands,^[150] so that we were hemmed in by land all around. Wherever we wanted to get out there was land in the way, but the winds, which at this time and until August 9 were mostly east or southeast and could have advanced us several hundred miles on the straight course to Kamchatka, were now utilized fruitlessly in tacking up and down.

During all this time (until the 9th)^[151] we saw large numbers of hair seals, sea otters, fur seals, sea lions (Phoca ursina and leonina), dolphins, and storm fishes.^[152] On this occasion as well as later on I learned from repeated experience that whenever these animals were to be seen unusually often in a very quiet sea, a storm followed soon after; and that the oftener they came up and the more active they were, the more furious was the subsequent gale.

On August 10 we saw a very unusual and unknown sea animal, of which I am going to give a brief account since I observed it for two whole hours.—It was about two Russian ells in length; the head was like a dog’s, with pointed, erect ears. From the upper and the lower lips on both sides whiskers hung down.^[153] The eyes were large; the body was long, rather thick and round,^[154] tapering gradually towards the tail. The skin seemed thickly covered with hair, of a gray color on the back, but reddish white on the belly; in the water, however, the whole animal appeared red, like a cow.^[155] The tail was divided into two fins, of which the upper, as in the case of roosters,^[156] was twice as large as the lower. Nothing struck me as more surprising than the fact that neither forefeet^[157] nor, in their stead, fins were to be seen. In default of a more detailed description one can do no better than compare the shape of this animal with the picture which Gesner received from a friend and which he has published under the name of Simia marina danica in his book on animals. At any rate, our sea animal deserved this name because of its resemblance to Gesner’s sea monkey as well as on account of its wonderful actions, jumps, and gracefulness. For over two hours it swam around our ship, looking, as with admiration, first at the one and then at the other of us. At times it came so near to the ship that it could have been touched with a pole, but as soon as anybody stirred it moved away a little farther. It could raise itself one-third of its length out of the water exactly like a man, and sometimes it remained in this position for several minutes. After it had observed us for about half an hour, it shot like an arrow under our vessel and came up again on the other side; shortly after, it dived again and reappeared in the old place; and in this way it dived perhaps thirty times. There drifted by a seaweed,^[158] club-shaped and hollow at one end like a bottle and gradually tapering at the other,^[P12] towards which, as soon as it was sighted, the animal darted, seized it in its mouth, and swam with it to the ship, making such motions and monkey tricks that nothing more laughable can be imagined.^[159] After many funny jumps and motions it finally darted off to sea and did not appear again. It was seen later, however, several times at different places of the sea.^[160]

On August 11, as we were by now out of the bay, we sailed westerly with a light southeast wind. On the 12th, however, it was calm, and a sea council was held in which it was decided, because of the approaching autumn and of the long distance, to enter at once upon the return voyage to Avacha without making any attempt to search for the direction in which the mainland might extend. I confess that this council and what was decided in it seemed highly remarkable to me. The immediate return was decided upon, and the report^[161] to that effect was signed by all the officers down to the boatswain’s mate, though, as usual, not by me; consequently they were intent upon Avacha; however, the straight course was not taken, but we sailed along the land, which of course amounted to following the American coast. On account of the contrary west winds the intention was to attempt advancing in a more westerly direction by tacking between south and north on the 53rd parallel; the mainland could be suspected at least in latitude 54°, since it had been seen in latitude 55°.^[162] It could also be clearly inferred from the constant signs of animals and drifting objects that we were still near land and could expect it yet farther south; while at the same time the adverse west wind was an indication of land ahead of us. On the contrary, other and more favorable winds could with all the more certainty be hoped for in latitudes 49° and 50° as there is no instance of trade winds in such latitudes or outside the tropics at all. However, although the Captain Commander came to agree with me, nevertheless he would not issue any order accordingly but merely talked about it and allowed his opinion to be rejected without contradiction.^[163]

Meanwhile it is singular that the winds had never been so steadily contrary before as they were after August 12. From the 13th to the 17th the time was spent in constant tacking between north and south without gaining much thereby.

On the 18th another singular event took place. About four o’clock in the morning I heard those on deck speak about land. I rose at once and went above. However, it may already have been agreed that no one should say anything about having seen land, especially in such a singular place, namely in the south. Although this land, which before sunrise had been seen plainly, was hidden later on by a fog, nevertheless it could still be distinctly recognized.^[164] That it was not far from us could also be inferred from the quantities of kelp floating from that direction. The fact that the westerly wind died down suddenly served as an additional proof that we were sailing between America and some island to the south of us. Our officers were long since weary of meeting land; but it was nevertheless indefensible to leave it without an investigation to assure themselves of its existence and to plot it on the chart. When I inquired of them what land they considered it to be, as incontestably it must be a large island (of which on this voyage we had seen so many that America cannot be less provided with them on this side than in the Western Sea^[165]), I received the answer that it must be Juan de Gama Land. From this answer I could judge how splendidly they had understood the large chart of Monsieur Delisle^[166] which [their] stupidity had scoffed at so often; for De Gama Land was hitherto the name of the unknown coast of America, located in the north and extending from east to west and could not be regarded as a land separate from America. Nor could this land be more than fifteen [German] miles wide, as otherwise we should have sailed over it, or at least seen it, on our outward voyage.

Golder: Bering’s Voyages, Vol. II
Amer. Geogr. Soc. Research Series. No. 2, Pl. I
Copyright, 1925, by the American Geographical Society of New York

Photograph of a manuscript map prepared in 1731 at the request of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences by the French astronomer and geographer Joseph Nicolas Delisle, a member of the Academy, to show for Bering’s impending expedition what was then known of the relation of eastern Asia to America (see footnote 166). The map is here reproduced for the first time, by permission of the Service Hydrographique de la Marine, Paris, in whose archives it is preserved in Portefeuille 172, Division 2, as Pièce 1. It measures 210 by 120 centimeters along the black-line border, exclusive of title, etc.

It was probably an exact copy of this map that Bering had with him on the voyage of 1741. Its conceptions had a dominating influence on his selection of a route, especially in the search for De Gama Land.

Meanwhile, I pass over the fact that there was no desire to make sure about this land [island] or to indicate it on the chart, but I am greatly astonished that the officers did not yet guess the reason for the constant west wind or let themselves be induced thereby to try a more southerly course, until according to the reckoning we should be opposite the open strait,^[167] where other winds might be looked for, the more so as in the fall continued north and northeast winds have been observed in Kamchatka as well as during the Captain Commander’s first voyage.

About three hours after midnight on August 19 we got a favorable east wind with which we sailed due west, but towards noon it began to go down. The horizon cleared, enabling us to recognize rather distinctly the mainland to the north of us.^[168] We were also warned of its nearness by the sudden drift towards us of seaweeds and refuse from shore, as well as by many animals and land birds, and even by a change in the water—evidence which had already so often proved correct. But nobody except myself and a few others would believe or see it, though confirmed by the diminishing force of the wind and its change to and from land.^[169] Nevertheless we steered a little more southerly, and, when on August 20 we were so far out that neither the land itself nor the above-mentioned signs of it were visible, I was asked mockingly whether I was still seeing land, although I had not laughed when these gentlemen were seeing land even on the 51st parallel or thrown in their faces the fact that they could see no farther than nature and experience permitted them.

From the 20th to the 23rd we tacked on the parallel of 53°. I saw at this time whales^[170] very frequently, no longer singly but in pairs, swimming together side by side or pursuing one another, which made me think that this must be their mating time.

On the 25th a heavy storm from the west compelled us to drift.^[171] The 26th was spent in tacking. On the 27th the horizon was quite clear. The weather was cold and bright, and the wind straight out of the west. In a sea council, held during the day, it was suddenly decided,^[172] on account of the contrary winds and the threatened shortage of water (as only twenty-six full casks were still on hand), to sail on a northeast course towards the land. This would not have been necessary had we filled at Cape St. Elias those twenty empty barrels which, without reason, were left behind.—This sea council was barely ended, the decision made and signed, when in the afternoon the wind suddenly shifted and with it, consequently, the plan. The ship had no more than put about when the wind shifted once more, blowing again from the west and, by continuing steadily, compelled us, after all, to make a run for the land.

We kept this course towards the land on the 28th, and toward four o’clock in the evening we saw signs of it, such as sea lions, a species of cod^[173] which lives on the banks at a depth of ninety fathoms at the most, and a black gull (Diomedea).^[174] Shortly afterwards land itself was seen to the N by E, though very indistinctly.^[175] During the night, however, we made so much headway that on August 29 in the morning we could make out plainly five islands, beyond which the mainland appeared ten or twelve miles distant. The weather during the day was very pleasant and perfectly favorable for our purpose of going close to the land in search of a harbor or shelter. About three o’clock in the afternoon we reached the outer one of the aforementioned islands,^[176] which lay north and south, and late in the evening we anchored alongside a rocky and bare island,^[177] three versts to the east of the first one.

Fig. 12—Khitrov’s sketch map of the Shumagin Islands from the end of the entry of September 5, 1741, in the log book kept by him (also reproduced in Vol. 1 in Fig. 11).

Fig. 13—Modern map of the Shumagin Islands (section from U. S. Coast and Geodetic Chart No. 8802). Scale, 1:1,050,000.

In the early morning of August 30 the start was made to carry into effect a double program, viz. to look around for the nearest place where fresh water could be had and, as a fire had been seen burning in the night on the island^[178] to the north of us, to send Master Khitrov with a crew to it in order to reconnoiter the place and search for people. In order that the naval officers might have the honor of the expected discovery, they asked me of their own accord if I did not wish to go ashore. Although it was easy to perceive their intention, I nevertheless accepted their offer very kindly and went ashore^[179] with the water carriers in the hope that both parties might discover something useful, although there was little of that to be expected on a bare and wretched island.

No sooner had I landed than I made efforts at once to locate a watering place and found several springs which had good and wholesome water. In the meantime the sailors had chosen the first and nearest stagnant puddle and already started operations. I found fault with this water because it was stagnant and alkaline, as proven at once when boiled for tea and later on when tested with soap, and also because I observed at the beach that it fell and rose with the sea and consequently must be brackish, as it also betrayed to the taste when boiled. I therefore proposed that the springs found by me should be used for taking water and sent on board a sample of their water with an oral report, pointing out particularly that by using the [other] water the scurvy would quickly increase and that, because of its lime content, the people would become dried up and lose strength and that this water, after a short while in the vessel, would even increase in salinity from day to day and finally through standing become salt water, while on the other hand none of this had to be feared from the spring water.—But although in this matter I ought to have been listened to in my capacity of physician,^[180] nevertheless my proposition, most honestly made in order to preserve the life of my fellow beings as well as my own,^[181] now fallen into the power of others, was rejected from the old overbearing habit of contradicting.—The answer was: “Why, what is the matter with this water? The water is good, fill up with it!” Even though in the meantime I had found a still nearer watering place than the beloved salty puddle and proposed it in case the spring water should not please, it should and must not be so, in order that they might deny me all sense and all knowledge.

As I was already accustomed to such treatment I paid no more attention to it and began to reconnoiter the land. I observed that the island on which we were was the largest of eight lying round, about three or four German miles long and about three or four versts broad from east to west. On the north and west the mainland was visible at a distance of about ten miles from it.^[P13] Yet it remains undecided whether the island did not connect towards the north with the mainland and form a peninsula, as we could not see the end of it in that direction. This island, as well as all the others, consists only of high solid rocks covered with vegetation. The rock is mainly a coarse, gray and yellowish graywacke,^[182] in some places a gray sandstone; a black, thick slate occurs also. The shore is everywhere stony and rocky; springs and small brooks [are] in abundance. Of animals I met a black fox^[183] right at the start, which, as he barked at me like a dog and was not shy at all, I took to be a dog at first. After close inspection, however, I realized my mistake and thought of having him shot either by Plenisner or my huntsman, in order to take him along as a piece of evidence, but [the plan] miscarried. Red foxes^[183] were seen by us in different parts of the island; yevrashkas, or small marmots,^[P14][184] were found in great abundance. Besides these, I noticed the track of an entirely unknown animal. The footprints, made on the clayey beach of a small lake, resembled the track of a wolf but by their expanse and the great size of the claws indicated that a different and larger animal, or a very big species of wolf, must live here.^[185]

All sorts of water birds^[186] in abundance were seen, such as swans,^[187] two kinds of urili (Pelecani),^[188] auks (Torda),^[189] ducks, snipes, sandpipers, various kinds of gulls,^[190] divers, among them a very remarkable and unknown species,^[191] Greenland pigeons,^[192] sea parrots (Alca arctica)^[193] and michagatkas (Alca cirrata).^[194] Of land birds, however, I observed only ravens, flycatchers (Grisola),^[195] snowbirds (Emberiza nivalis),^[196] willow ptarmigans (Tetrao Lagopus),^[197] and no others whatever.

The fishes which we saw were the malma (a kind of salmon)^[198] and ramsha (Cottus scorpius).^[199] Of trees, not a single one was to be seen on any of the eight islands lying here together in a circumference of six German miles; [it was] otherwise on those which we saw on August 4 on the same parallel^[200] and which cannot have been more than 40 miles from here. All the islands situated between here and Kamchatka, at least those which we afterwards saw, were equally bare and without any woods.^[201] I have not been able to find any explanation beyond the following:

(1) These islands have a twofold position. Those from here on towards America bear northeast and southwest, while on the other hand, those in the Channel and nearer Kamchatka^[202] trend northwest and southeast, and I have noticed both with regard to the large and the small rocks that they strike in the same direction.

(2) In addition, all have the peculiarity that they are very long and at the same time their breadth is quite out of proportion, for example: Shumagin’s Island^[203] is from twenty to thirty versts long [and] two to three broad, Bering’s Island is thirty miles long and only four, or at most seven, versts broad. All the islands, of which we noticed seven^[204] between here and Bering’s Island, were quite similarly formed. From this it follows that, as they lie exposed to the north and south and consequently suffer the most rapid changes of heat and cold, and on account of such a slight breadth are moreover swept freely by the exceedingly severe storms of these regions, neither tree nor shrub can grow or get rooted.^[205] Even the smallest shrubs grow so crooked and interwoven that it is impossible to find in the entire region a straight stick two feet long. Similarly, it is observed in Kamchatka that those districts that have a sufficient breadth of land from north to south are most prolific in forests and other needful things. On the contrary, the narrower the land gradually becomes, the more obvious is the change, as for example between the Bolshaya River and [Cape] Lopatka. On the other hand, the region opposite Karaga,^[206] where the land is still narrower and the latitude, in addition, six degrees farther north, is conditioned quite differently. With regard to the islands situated in the Channel^[207] the explanation is even more obvious.^[208] The fact that the eastern islands, though similarly situated and narrow, were found to be forested has its demonstrable explanation in the circumstance that they lie close under the mainland and thereby are protected,^[209] while a hypothetical explanation is my conjecture that the corner of America projecting towards Asia decreases in width towards the west and is of the same nature on its northwestern coast as Kamchatka on its northeastern.^[210]

Of the plants which grow on these islands other than the willow bushes, which are barely two ells high, a separate list has been given.^[211] Upon the whole, I only remark that the greater number of the rare and rock-inhabiting American plants described at Cape St. Elias were still met with here and, in addition, a few already which were seen on Bering’s Island in 1742 and, later on in the fall, in similar localities in Kamchatka. However, as far as concerns those plants which grow in the valleys and in the low and damp places, they are, with a few exceptions, the same as those in Europe, Asia, and America in the same latitude. Aside from the red whortleberries and the black crowberry, or shiksha (Empetrum), which are found here in the greatest abundance, the products of the vegetable kingdom of greatest use to us were the glorious antiscorbutic herbs, such as Cochlearia, Lapathum folio cubitali,^[P15] Gentiana and other cresslike herbs,^[212] which I gathered solely for my use and that of the Captain Commander. For although I had made representations that our medicine chest, from the very beginning, had been miserably supplied, inasmuch as it was mostly filled with plasters, ointments, oils, and other surgical remedies enough for four to five hundred men in case of a battle but had none whatever of the medicines most needed on sea voyages and serviceable against scurvy and asthma, our commonest cases; and although I had therefore requested the detail of several men for the purpose of collecting such quantity of antiscorbutic herbs as would be enough for all, nevertheless even this proposition, so valuable to all and for which I merited gratitude besides, was spurned. Later, however, there were regrets enough, and when we had scarcely more than four able-bodied men left on the vessel, I was tearfully begged to help and assist, which then, though with empty hands, I did to the utmost of my strength and means, although it was not my office and my services had always been scorned before the disaster. It^[213] must also at last have caused even the coarsest and most ungrateful persons to take notice when the Captain Commander, who from scurvy and confinement had entirely lost the use of his limbs, was restored by me to such an extent simply by his partaking of the fresh spoonwort that within eight days he could get out of bed and on deck again and felt as well as at the beginning of the voyage, and also when the use of Lapathum for only three days, according to my direction, made the teeth of most of the sailors firm again.

Because of the rain which began towards evening I had already built myself a hut and intended to spend the night on the island; I decided nevertheless finally to return to the vessel in order once more to present emphatically and with the greatest respect my opinion on the bad water and on the collecting of the herbs. However, when I saw my opinion concerning the water again spurned and coarsely contradicted and had to hear myself, like a surgeon’s apprentice belonging to the command, ordered to gather the herbs, and that this important work, which affected the health and lives of all, was not considered worth the labor of a few sailors, I repented of my good intentions and resolved that in the future I would only look after the preservation of my own self without wasting another word. With this in mind, I went ashore again on the morning of August 31, continued my work, and together with Mr. Plenisner explored the land. However, towards evening, we were hurriedly called on board by a sluzhiv [servant] with the announcement that because of an apprehended storm, of which, however, we had not the slightest signs on land, all the men were being assembled on board so as to be ready to go to sea in case the anchors did not hold in the rising gale, as the place where we were standing was highly dangerous, although previously, in spite of all protests, it was pronounced protected on all sides.—Immediately we all ran as fast as we could to the eastern shore of the island, a distance of over a mile, and discovered everything there as we had been told. We also found that the confusion on shore, on account of the sick who had been brought here the day before and who now could be dragged into the boat only with difficulty because of the high surf on the beach, was so great that we decided to wade waist deep to the boat through the burun (the breakers) and, trusting to luck, to let ourselves be ferried over in it. On this day we buried the first of our crew, the sailor Shumagin, who had died on the previous day almost as soon as he got ashore. The island is since called Shumagin’s Island after him.^[214]

When after some anxiety we arrived on board there was the greatest lamentation because Master Khitrov and his men were not yet at hand and it might be necessary to leave them on shore. I now thanked God that through the cunning plots of the naval men I had been kept away from his company. However, soon after our arrival a big fire was observed not far from the spot where we had been taken into the boat, and, judging from the position, I concluded that Master Khitrov and his men must be stopping at the lake where I had the second time advised that water should be taken.—In the meantime the gale increased, and it was our great good luck that, although the wind began in the northeast, it suddenly shifted to the west, then to the south and again back to west, but finally became northwest,^[215] from which quarter we were sheltered by the land and in no great danger. It was very lucky for us that during the first storm, at midnight, the Captain Commander did not permit the anchor [cable] to be needlessly cut in order to drop another, supposed to be better, in its place, as otherwise, in such a dark night and with the usual confusion, we surely should have drifted on the rocks and been wrecked.—This same evening I learned that the officers, although too late, had changed their mind and from fear of death sent ashore a few barrels to be filled, for their own consumption, with spring water from the place I had indicated. But Fate would not let them benefit by it, for, in the great hurry and because the boat had to be loaded with the sick, the barrels were left behind on shore.

On September 1 the wind was still very strong and with steady rain. The day was spent in anxious deliberations as to how the Master was to be brought back to the vessel and how to get away from the land. If he had not gone at all or if, on not meeting anybody, he had returned betimes and thereby had not delayed the watering by depriving us of the yawl, we could have gotten out with the fair gale and been more than a hundred miles farther on our course. But on his account we all had thus to remain in danger near land without being able to take advantage of the fair wind, which continued for five days after. Everyone grumbled because whatever that man had touched, from Okhotsk on until the return voyage, had gone wrong and had brought misfortune. Similarly, at Cape St. Elias, by his long and fruitless absence, he was also the cause of so many casks having to remain empty because of the lack of the yawl for carrying the water, thereby making it necessary to approach land a second time, which step he also was the first to counsel. On the whole, he was observed to be very anxious to give daring advice^[216] but when facing disaster to be without decision and wits and to complain and try to hide himself.^[P16]

On September 2 we got a southeast wind, and the large boat with eight men was sent ashore to bring Master Khitrov and his party on board, as of necessity the yawl had to be left behind. In the meantime we weighed anchor and with the southeast wind moved up along land farther towards the north, in order to pick up the oncoming boat more easily, and there came to anchor. It rained and blew very hard all day, so that for the sake of greater safety the other anchor was also thrown over. But, as towards evening there suddenly blew up from the southeast a violent squall, the third anchor was also kept ready in case one of the other two [cables] should break. But, God be thanked, the wind shortly afterwards shifted to the southwest, from which quarter we lay sheltered, and became more quiet, but the boat remained ashore over night.

During the entire day on September 3 the weather was uncommonly pleasant and quiet. The wind continued southwesterly. In addition to this we had towards morning the further satisfaction of getting the boat with Master Khitrov and all the rest of our men aboard again without losing a man. The little yawl, however, was left on the island on purpose; a hawser^[217] out of forgetfulness, besides a few other objects as souvenirs;^[218] however, constable Roselius brought back with him all the guns, powder, and lead entrusted to him.

We immediately weighed both anchors and with a southwest wind turned around the rock^[219] as far as the outermost island^[220] situated to the southeast, because we could not get out of the bay into the sea in a southerly direction. Master Khitrov,^[221] who had become uncommonly happy because of his deliverance and jolly over his welcome, took the lead in hand and at the first attempt left it on the bottom of the sea, which incident the common sailors interpreted as an evil omen and called to mind that just a year ago today the provisions were lost at the mouth of the Okhota through this same man’s cleverness. At two o’clock in the afternoon we came to anchor behind this outermost island two versts from shore.

On September 4, likewise with quiet weather, we attempted to get out to sea by going round the western side of this island, but as it could not be done on account of the west wind we found ourselves compelled to turn back east to our former position, which we finally reached^[222] and dropped anchor. Through this event it came about that without expectation or search we chanced to meet with Americans. We had scarcely dropped the anchor when we heard a loud shout from the rock to the south of us, which at first, not expecting any human beings on this miserable island twenty miles away from the mainland, we held to be the roar of a sea lion. A little later, however, we saw two small boats paddling toward our vessel from shore. We all waited for them with the greatest eagerness and full of wonder in order, on the arrival of these islanders, to pay special attention to their appearance and characteristics.—When yet about half a verst distant from us both men in their boats began, while still paddling, simultaneously to make an uninterrupted, long speech in a loud voice of which none of our interpreters could understand a word. We construed it therefore as either a formula of prayer or incantation, or a ceremony of welcoming us as friends,^[223] since both customs are in use in Kamchatka and the Kurile Islands.^[224] As they now came gradually nearer constantly shouting while paddling, they began to talk to us intermittently, but, as nobody could understand their language, we only beckoned with our hands, that they might come nearer without being afraid of anything. They, in turn, however, pointed with the hand towards the land that we should come to them there, besides pointing with their fingers to the mouth and scooping up sea water with their hands as if to indicate that we could have food and water with them. We beckoned them again over to us, and, as we shouted to them the word “nichi,” which occurs in Baron Lahontan’s description of North America and means water,^[225] they repeated it many times and pointed again to the shore as if they wanted to call attention to it.^[226] Nevertheless one of them came very near to us, but, before approaching quite close, he reached into his bosom, pulled out some iron- or lead-colored shiny earth, and with this he painted himself from the wings of the nose across the cheeks in the form of two pears, stuffed the nostrils full of grass (the nose wings on each side, however, were pierced with fine pieces of bone), and then took from the sticks lying behind him on the skin boat one which was like a billiard cue, about three ells long, of spruce wood and painted red, placed two falcon wings on it and tied them fast with whalebone, showed it to us, and then with a laugh threw it towards our vessel into the water. I can not tell whether it was meant as a sacrifice or a sign of good friendship. On our part we tied two Chinese tobacco pipes and some glass beads to a piece of board and tossed it to him. He picked it up, looked at it a little, and then brought it over to his companion, who placed it on top of his boat. After this he became somewhat more courageous, approached still nearer to us, though with the greatest caution, tied an eviscerated entire falcon to another stick and passed it up to our Koryak interpreter in order to receive from us a piece of Chinese silk and a mirror. It was not at all his intention that we should keep the bird but that we should place the piece of silk between the claws so that it would not become wet. However, as the interpreter held the stick fast and by it pulled the American, who held the other end in his hand, together with his boat toward our vessel, the latter let go the stick, became frightened, and paddled a little to one side, and would not come so near again. Therefore the mirror and silk were thrown to him, with which they both paddled towards shore and beckoned us to follow in order that they might give us to eat and drink. All the time while these two islanders stayed around the vessel their companions on land called continually and shouted loudly without our being able to make out their purpose.

After a short consultation the boat was let down, in which I, besides Lieutenant Waxel, the Koryak interpreter, and nine sailors and soldiers decided to pull ashore. We provided ourselves with lances, sabers, and guns but covered all with canvas so as not to arouse suspicion. In addition we took along biscuits, brandy, and other trifles, in order to be able to make presents to the islanders. The greatest misfortune was that we were not able to make a landing, because the beach was very rocky, the tide rapidly rising; wind and waves were likewise so high that with the greatest difficulty we kept the boat from being dashed to pieces. From the place on the beach where their boats and also our presents were lying scattered about unappreciated, both men and women, who because of the uniformity of the dress could hardly be distinguished from each other, all came to meet us at our approach, full of wonder and friendliness and continually beckoning with their hands towards land. As we saw that we ourselves had no hope of getting ashore, we let our interpreter and two other persons undress and go through the water to them, in order that they might observe a thing or two. The islanders received the interpreter and the others in a very friendly way and led them by the arms, quite deferentially as if they were very great personages, to the place where they had been seated, presented them there with a piece of whale blubber, talked a bit with them, though nobody understood the other, and pointed at the same time frequently over the mountain, perhaps to indicate that they had come here on our account only but that they had their dwellings on the other side of the mountain, as, indeed, [later] in going to sea towards the east around the island we got sight of a few huts from a distance. A part of the islanders remained standing on the beach abreast of us, gazing at us without taking their eyes away, and frequently inviting us to them by beckoning. However, as we gave them to understand with various signs why that was impossible for us, one of them got into his boat, which he had lifted with one hand and carried under his arm to the water, and came paddling up to us. He was made welcome with a cup of brandy, which, following our example, he emptied quickly, but also immediately spit out again, and acted strangely, as if he did not seem to be any too well pleased with this fancied deception. Although I advised against such things as tobacco and pipes, our gentlemen opined nevertheless that the Americans had the stomachs of sailors and consequently, intending to neutralize the first displeasure with a new one, gave the stranger a lighted pipe of tobacco, which he accepted indeed, though paddling away quite disgusted. The smartest European would have done just the same if he had been treated to fly mushroom or rotten fish soup and willow bark, which the Kamchadals, however, consider such delicacies.—As in the meantime the surf and wind were increasing more and more, our people were called back to the boat. The kind islanders, on the other hand, wanted their company still further and would not at all let them off to the vessel. They manifested especially great inclination towards our Koryak interpreter, who quite resembled them in manner of speech and in facial appearance. At first they presented them with more whale blubber and iron-colored paint; but, as they would not let themselves be influenced by gifts, they tried to hold on to them by violence, seized them by the arms, and kept them from the boat by force. Another party took hold of the painter with which our boat was made fast and intended, perhaps not with evil design but from sheer thoughtlessness, not realizing our danger, to haul the boat with its occupants ashore, where it would have been wrecked on the rocks. As in this confusion and danger there was no time to be lost and as the islanders could not be dissuaded from their purpose by sign language, shots were fired simultaneously over their heads at the rocks from three muskets loaded with balls, by which unheard-of occurrence they became so frightened that they all fell down on the ground as if hit by thunder, letting go of everything in their hands. Our men ran at once through the water and got safely into the boat. Laughable as was the consternation to behold, it was nevertheless even more funny how they at once rose up again, scolded us because we had rewarded their good intentions so badly, and waved their hands to us to be off quickly as they did not want us any longer. Some of them in getting up picked up stones and held them in their hands; we, however, were obliged hurriedly to cut the rope of the boat anchor, which held fast to a rock, and returned to the ship rather dissatisfied, as we had not been able to observe what we had intended but on the other hand had met what we had not expected. Soon, however, we had reason for thanking God that we were on the vessel and that this was so well sheltered, for immediately there arose a heavy storm from the south, and shortly after rain also began to fall, which lasted all through the night. Our Americans, however, had lighted a fire on shore and kept us pondering on what had happened.

I must here mention a few circumstances which I observed in the course of the quarter of an hour we were at the shore. The American boats^[227] are about two fathoms long, two feet high, and two feet wide on the deck, pointed towards the nose but truncate and smooth in the rear. To judge by appearances, the frame is of sticks fastened together at both ends and spread apart by crosspieces inside. On the outside this frame is covered with skins, perhaps of seals, and colored a dark brown. With these skins the boat is [covered] flat above but sloping towards the keel on the sides; underneath there seems to be affixed a shoe or keel which at the bow is connected with the bow by a vertical piece of wood or bone representing a stem piece, so that the upper surface rests on it. About two arshins^[228] from the rear on top is a circular hole, around the whole of which is sewn [a strip made of] whale guts having a hollow hem with a leather string running through it, by means of which it may be tightened or loosened like a purse. When the American has sat down in his boat and stretched out his legs under the deck, he draws this hem together around his body and fastens it with a bowknot in order to prevent any water from getting in. Behind the paddler on the boat there lie ten or more red-painted sticks, pointed at one end, all made in the same way as the one we secured but for what purpose^[229] I cannot imagine, unless perhaps they serve to repair the boat in case the frame should break. The American puts his right hand into the hole of the boat and, holding the paddle in the other hand, carries it thus because of its lightness on to the land anywhere he wants to and back from the land into the water.^[230] The paddle consists of a stick a fathom long, at each end provided with a shovel, a hand wide. With this he beats alternately to the right and to the left into the water and thereby propels his boat with great adroitness even among large waves. On the whole, this kind of boat is very little different, if at all, from those used by the Samoyeds and by the Americans in New Denmark.^[231]

As far as the personal appearance of the islanders is concerned, of whom I counted on the beach nine, mostly young or middle-aged people, they are of medium stature, strong and stocky, yet fairly well proportioned, and with very fleshy arms and legs. The hair of the head is glossy black and hangs straight down all around the head. The face is brownish, a little flat and concave. The nose is also flattened, though not particularly broad or large. The eyes are as black as coals, the lips prominent and turned up. In addition they have short necks, broad shoulders, and their body is plump though not big-bellied. All had on whale-gut shirts with sleeves, very neatly sewed together, which reach to the calf of the leg. Some had the shirts tied below the navel with a string, but others wore them loose. Two of them had on boots and trousers which seemed to be made after the fashion of the Kamchadals out of seal leather and dyed brownish-red with alder bark. Two had hanging on their belt, like the Russian peasants, a long iron knife in a sheath of very poor workmanship, which may have been their own and not a foreign^[232] invention. Although I asked that one of these knives might be obtained in exchange by offering^[233] three or more of ours, of which our stores had plenty, because it was very important and perhaps marks might be found on them from which it might be possible to conclude with what nation these islanders had communication, nevertheless this also was not done. From the distance I observed the nature of this knife very carefully as one of the Americans unsheathed it and cut a bladder in two with it. It was easy to see that it was of iron and, besides, that it was not like any European product. From this, then, might be concluded that the Americans not only have iron ore, of which thus far few or no traces at all have been discovered in Kamchatka, but that they also know how to smelt and work it. And it would seem indisputable from the smooth workmanship observed, [both] on the arrows found at Cape St. Elias and on the hut there, that the savages must have knives,^[234] whether they be of iron or of copper.^[235] On the other hand I know from quite reliable information that the Chukchis traded from the second Chukchi island^[236] with America and that, although for some years this commerce was interrupted because a misunderstanding arose, this trade is still carried on by the inhabitants of the islands; the principal articles are knives, axes, lances, and iron arrow points,^[237] which the Chukchis acquire at a very high price from the Russians at Anadyrsk and exchange with the Americans at a many times higher price for sea otters, martens, and foxes,^[238] some of which are brought to Russia by way of Anadyrsk. Therefore, if the Americans themselves could smelt iron and make said articles, why should they buy them at a high price from others? At the same time, it is remarkable that the cossacks on the Anadyr River traded with the Americans before the Kamchatka Expedition had obtained any knowledge of the country itself. For this a two-fold reason may be advanced as regards the cossacks: (1) selfishness and perjury of the commanders, (2) fear, because usually the one who in these remote places suggests anything new for the benefit of the Empire is compelled to carry it out himself and in place of [receiving] thanks loses all his goods and property.—On the other hand, the officers are too haughty to engage in conversation with common people and too negligent and incredulous even when anything is reported to them. Upon my arrival in Kamchatka in the year 1740, I eagerly took pains to obtain such information, questioning all newcomers, traders, cossacks with the greatest friendliness, and, in case I got nothing out of them with fair means, brought them to confession with brandy, as the most pleasant torture. But when I had acquired so much information of that kind that I could prove with more than twenty conclusive reasons where the land is nearest^[239] and in what direction the voyage ought to be undertaken, and brought all this before the Captain Commander, my numerous efforts were considered unworthy even of being laid before the other officers in council, the whole supreme judgment amounting to this: “People talk much; who would believe a cossack? I place no confidence whatever in it.”—Now, however, this information is corroborated by these gentlemen’s own journals and charts, and many have even died and are buried in consequence [of this disregard]. One might perhaps even get the notion that the chart of the First Expedition is still less trustworthy, since it has forgotten the islands along Kamchatka opposite Olyutora, likewise the fine harbors at the Avacha, before Avacha at the Uka and Olyutora,^[240] and since according to its indication no land was found within thirty miles of Kamchatka, although Bering’s Island is distant only twenty miles directly to the east of it.^[241]

Fig. 14—Map of the North Pacific region by the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences, 1758, incorporating the results of Bering’s two expeditions and illustrating the conception of the time (reduced section from redraft in Jefferys’ “Voyages from Asia to America,” London, 1761, translated from G. F. Müller). According to this conception, which was also held by Steller, the mainland of North America extended close to Asia in the form of a wide projecting land mass.

The map also illustrates the conception of Chukchi Promontory as a great protuberance to the north of and beyond East Cape (see, above, footnote 27).

On September 5 it rained very hard during the forenoon. In the afternoon it seemed several times as if it might clear, but clouded over again each time. We could not^[242] stay longer in this place, as the wind had now veered to the southwest; we therefore weighed anchor about two o’clock in the afternoon and just then saw two Americans in their boats paddling towards shore. We tried to reach a place where we could again stay protected on the west by the island, and a place such as we wanted was found about five o’clock, and we anchored once more.^[243] About half an hour later we again saw nine Americans in their boats paddling in single file towards the ship, with similar shouts and ceremonies as the first time. However, only two of them came near to our vessel and once more made us presents of sticks with falcon feathers and of iron-colored face paint. On their heads they had hats made of the bark of trees, colored green and red, that resembled in shape the eye shades that are usually worn around the head; the crown was uncovered, and these hats appeared to have been invented only for the purpose of shading the eyes from the sun.^[244] Between the hat and the forehead some had placed a few variegated falcon feathers, others tufts of grass,^[245] in the same manner as the Americans on the east side, about Brazil, decorate themselves with feather tufts. From these hats an argument might again be derived for the supposition that the Americans came from Asia, because the Kamchadals and the Koryaks are in the habit of wearing exactly similar hats, several kinds of which have been purchased for the Art and Natural History Cabinet.—By much gesticulation we gave the Americans to understand that we desired one of their hats, and they handed us two. On one of these there was fastened a small carved image, or sitting idol, of bone, with a feather sticking out from behind, intended no doubt to represent the tail. In return we presented them with a rusty iron kettle, five sewing needles, and some thread. After having considered the exchange and consulted with each other, they paddled towards the shore without any further ado, built a big fire, and shouted very loudly for a while. It grew dark soon after, and after that we did not see them again.

I noticed on this occasion once more that these people regard it as a special ornament to pierce holes anywhere in their faces, as we do in the lobes of the ear, and to insert in them various stones and bones. One of these fellows had stuck a slate pencil, about 2½ inches long and exactly like those with which we write on ciphering slates, through the nasal septum. Another had a piece of bone three inches^[246] long stuck through crosswise above the chin just under the lower lip. Still another had a bone like it fastened in the forehead, and another, finally, had a similar one in each of the wings of the nose. From this it may be seen how thoughtlessly I had been contradicted in the year 1741, before the departure from Avacha, when among other things I announced that I held the Chukchis to be Americans or at any rate believed that Americans lived among them, inasmuch as I had heard from more than ten different persons that there were among them people who wore pieces of walrus teeth inserted in the nose and cheeks, such as all those who live on the mainland opposite are said to wear as ornaments, according to the reports of the Russians who have had indirect communication with the Chukchis.^[247]

Finally, I observed also on all these Americans that they had a very scant beard, but most of them none at all, in which respect they again agree with the inhabitants of Kamchatka and with other East Siberian peoples.^[248]

In spite of all this there still remains to be discussed the question whether these Americans may be inhabitants of the mainland or only of the islands. I hold that these people do not live constantly on the islands but are there only during the summer and spend the winter on the mainland.^[249] These people may in part be attracted hither by the large numbers of birds and birds’ eggs, which the Kamchadals, at the greatest peril, likewise gather among the cliffs, although every year some of them break their necks in the attempt;^[250] in part they may perhaps go after whales cast up on the off-lying islands and after the seals which are more numerous there, the blubber of which is preferred also by the Kamchadals to all other delicacies. Their return in winter to the mainland, however, is the more probable the less possible it is to winter here^[P17] on account of lack of wood for building and for fuel and, moreover, because the island on which we watered seems to be continuous with the mainland in the north,^[251] while none of the others seem to be very distant from it.

Even though the weather on September 6 was cloudy throughout the day, yet because the wind was SW by S and serviceable for our getting away, we went around the eastern side of the island^[252] out to sea between two islands.^[253] The Americans on shore raised their voices once more as a farewell, and it seemed to us as if we saw people and huts on the near-by low island lying opposite to the east.^[254] When we were out to sea about half a mile, we were especially astonished at the untold numbers of sea birds which we saw on the northern side of the island. I noted here, besides the urili (Pelecani), auks, sea parrots, gulls, glupyshi^[255] (Procellaria glacialis), and Greenland sea pigeons, an entirely black snipe, with red bill and feet, which constantly moved the head like Ray’s redshank;^[256] further a very beautiful black-and-white pied diver, never before seen;^[257] not to speak of other wonderful and hitherto unknown birds. As for the rest, the wind was so favorable that we lost sight of the mainland and islands towards two o’clock in the afternoon. However, the many whales which we met, one of which rose straight upright in the water for more than half its length, gave us nevertheless to understand that a storm was at hand.

On September 7 the wind and the weather were as on the day before. Toward twelve o’clock noon we were already over twenty miles away from the last island. In the afternoon the wind increased in force, and the rising sea compelled us to shorten sail. It stormed very hard all night through, so that we ran with the spanker only. Under these conditions, the late autumnal season and the great distance from Avacha, the courage of our sailors and officers dropped all of a sudden. The unwholesome water lessened the number of healthy men from day to day, and very many were heard to complain of hitherto unwonted disorders. For that reason some began to be doubtful about getting home and to discuss the question of whether we ought to winter in Japan or America, although there was no particular desire for either.

On September 8 the weather was thick all day. The wind, however, decreased and shifted so that in the forenoon it blew west by north and in the afternoon west by south, for which reason we gradually worked south with both winds and by evening found ourselves on the parallel of Avacha, latitude 53°. During the night the wind died down completely.

Towards morning on September 9 we got a light wind from the east, by the aid of which we made progress of a knot and a half to two knots until eight o’clock. Thereafter it increased so that towards ten o’clock we were driven forward at the rate of four knots, or a mile an hour. During the morning it rained, and the sky was overcast; in the afternoon, however, the horizon became very clear, though without sunshine. According to the reckoning kept it was believed that at 12 o’clock we were still 312 Dutch miles distant from Avacha.^[258]

On September 10 it rained in the morning, the sky being overcast. Nevertheless, towards noon the sun showed itself a little, and later it cleared gradually on the horizon. The wind was at first SSW, then SW by S. At noon the reckoning was 298 from Avacha.^[259] It is marvelous that after such protracted and oft-repeated experiences it was not yet understood that these changes of wind were again due to the nearness of land^[260] and that consequently we ought to turn more to the south without paying attention to the parallel, inasmuch as the land extended farther south and infallibly was to be expected farther south.^[261] This was further corroborated by our noticing sea parrots [and] the John of Ghent [John of Gaunt] (Pelecan. Bassanus) and other gulls^[262] flying constantly from north and west to the south, while already some seaweeds came floating by, as happens when land is approached.

On September 11 the wind and weather were as on the previous day. In the twenty-four hours we sailed twenty miles and at noon calculated we were still 278 miles from Avacha.^[263] Signs of land were seen today as yesterday.

On September 12 the weather was cloudy and dark throughout the day, and calm besides; the signs of birds and floating objects were the same as before. Instead of the favorable wind expected towards the evening, we encountered a wind directly from the west with rain and progressed only two miles^[264] during these twenty-four hours.

The 13th of September was a bright day. In the morning a NW by W wind arose, held on until two o’clock in the afternoon, and then died down.^[265] Moreover, many whales were seen at play, and we expected nothing good.

On the 14th it stormed very hard all day and night from the northwest, and we found ourselves compelled at noon to drift, at which hour we calculated we were 258 miles from Avacha.^[266]

^[P18]On the 15th we enjoyed a pleasant day. Towards noon the long-wished-for sun appeared again.^[267] The unusual chilliness gave hope of a northerly wind, with the aid of which we might gradually get back on our old course. This might perhaps also have happened thus if we had been farther west in the Channel^[268] or a couple of degrees farther south. As it was, however, we were too near land, so that towards evening even an owl^[269] appeared about the vessel. River gulls^[270] also showed themselves, and about six svinki,^[271] or storm fishes, gamboled around us, from which we could plainly enough presage the coming storm.

On September 16, soon after midnight, there came up a southeast wind which lasted until nine o’clock, when it suddenly jumped from south to west and from there to north, then went back to west again, and became south-southwest towards three o’clock in the afternoon, when it began to rain. However, during the forenoon we had progressed so far that at twelve o’clock we figured we were yet 240 miles from Avacha.^[272] This was the first contest with the southeast wind, which we afterwards met so often and became so well acquainted with, that we really knew its shifts beforehand.—In the afternoon we saw a very large quantity of seaweed drifting towards our vessel from the north, also the same kind of large bundles as on August 2 and the days following, when we were among and between the American islands.^[273]

On September 17 we had a violent and, in addition, very changeable wind though mostly from NW by W. At noon we reckoned ourselves to be 234 miles from Avacha.^[274] During the entire day birds were seen flying from the north to the west.

On September 18 we had showers; the wind was SW by W. At noon we were 229 miles from Avacha.^[275] At sunset I observed large flocks of small snipes and other land birds flying from north to west.

On September 19 the weather was clear but rather cold. The wind was NW by W. At noon we were 226 miles from Avacha,^[276] and saw sea otters repeatedly. On the 20th wind and weather were as on the day before, and in the night there was a complete calm.

The 21st brought very pleasant weather with sunshine. The sea was quieter than we had seen it for two months. Towards evening a southeast wind came up, but about two o’clock^[277] after midnight the wind shifted to NW by W.—The 22nd was very pleasant, the wind NW by N.—On the 23rd it stormed all day and night, and we sailed northerly with a southwest wind. This evening the second man on our vessel died, the grenadier Tretyakov.

On the 24th of September the weather was gloomy almost the whole day. Towards evening to our great dismay we saw land ahead of us in latitude 51°, and many islands seemed to lie only three or four miles from us.^[278] We took the bearings of the land, but, because we were too near and too far north and also because with the southwest wind we were going straight towards land without being able to pass to the south of it, we turned hurriedly towards the east back to sea. This would not have been necessary if we had let ourselves be warned by the signs of land, known so long and so often called to mind, and gone farther south. But even this very morning Khitrov’s unlucky proposition to go still farther north, because he thought that the land extended straight west in latitude 56°, and imagined that he was already in the Channel,^[279] came near being approved.—It was most fortunate that we caught sight of the land while yet day and before the storm came up which did shortly afterwards, for otherwise we should certainly have run onto it in the night, or else, in spite of ourselves and without any means of escape, should have been driven by the southeast wind and been wrecked on it. In the excitement it was incidentally hinted at among the officers that this was surely the place where we had parted from Captain Chirikov.^[280] And it is quite true that on that occasion, when we went south after having weathered the storm, we were told by the men that land had been seen to the north, which at the time we would not believe, and thus missed the right way. Captain Chirikov has without doubt touched land here,^[281] a circumstance of which I have already made mention in the beginning of this account.^[P19]

On September 25 with an increasing and continuous storm we scudded until noon under the lower sails, spanker, and forecourse (just as on the night before) in order to get away from the land in a southeasterly direction, being in constant danger of losing spars and masts because of the very violent wind. In the afternoon we began to run only under the spanker, because we were already tolerably far from land and, on account of the west wind, need not fear being driven on the land.

On September 26, although the west wind died down somewhat, the sea remained turbulent, and we were now already three days retreating towards the southeast.

On September 27 we again had a very violent storm from the southeast, which, however, after an hour veered to the west and continued with extreme violence. Every now and then we could hear the wind rush as if out of a narrow passage, with such terrible whistling, raging, and blustering that we were every minute in danger of losing masts or rudder or else of seeing the vessel itself damaged by the force of the waves, which pounded it as when cannons are fired, so that we were expecting every moment the last stroke and death. Even the old and experienced pilot, Andreas Hesselberg,^[282] could not recall among the experiences of his fifty years at sea having passed through a storm which even resembled it.

On the 28th of September the storm continued with even greater violence, together with hail, lightning, and rain. We were now for the fifth day being continuously driven back towards the southeast.

On the 29th it seemed throughout the day as if it might abate. Towards 10 o’clock at night, however, the wind, suddenly shifting to the southeast, once more heralded a most terrific storm, then shifted again to west, and continued as before.

On the 30th, about five o’clock in the morning, we encountered a storm from the southwest of such redoubled violence as we never have experienced before or since; we could not imagine that it could be greater or that we should be able to stand it out. Every moment we expected the destruction of our vessel, and no one could lie down, sit up, or stand. Nobody was able to remain at his post; we were drifting under the might of God whither the angry heavens willed to send us. Half of our crew lay sick and weak, the other half were of necessity able-bodied but quite crazed and maddened from the terrifying motion of the sea and ship. There was much praying, to be sure, but the curses piled up during ten years in Siberia prevented any response. Beyond the ship we could not see a fathom out into the ocean because we continuously lay buried among the cruel waves. Furthermore, we could neither cook nor have anything cold to eat except half-burnt biscuits, which were already beginning to run short. Under such conditions no one any longer possessed either courage or counsel. They began too late to regret that matters had not been managed right and that various things had been overlooked.—Let no one imagine that our situation is here represented as too dangerous, let him rather believe that the most eloquent pen would have found itself too weak to describe our misery.

During October 1 this terrible southwestern storm continued with equal violence. Now for the first time the officers began to consider that, if God would help in weathering the storm, they should seek a harbor in America, in consideration of the fact that the weather thus late in the fall is too severe and unsettled, that we had already been driven back too far east, and that most of the men were sick and weak. For to go a couple of degrees farther south was too much out of the way for them. But even now I could not believe that they were earnest in their decision, as every one of them had his goods and their caretaker (prikashchik) in Kamchatka.—Today, and before as early as September 24, I observed two phenomena that I had never seen before in my life, namely, the ignes lambentes, or Castor and Pollux, which the sailors call St. Elmo’s fire, and then the terribly rapid flight of the clouds which, during the storm with incredible swiftness shot like arrows past our eyes and even met and crossed each other with equal rapidity, often from opposite directions.

On October 2 it began at last to moderate, which, however, it took the sea more than twenty-four hours to do. Nevertheless, the wind remained southwest and the sky was dark. Since September 24 we had been driven back towards the east over fifty miles. We had twenty-four men sick and two dead.—As I had supposed, so it also came to pass: there was again talk of Kamchatka, which, however, God was not willing we should reach this year.—But the joy did not last long, for towards ten o’clock at night we again encountered a southeast wind with the usual violent gusts and storm, so that the minds of all again became as shaky as were their teeth already from the scurvy.

On October 3, because of the excessively violent storm, we scudded under the spanker. For the first time the weather was very clear and unusually cold.—On the 4th it began to moderate a little; the air continued clear and very cold, although we had sunshine for a few hours; we also used the lower sails. However, this luck did not last long but was suddenly interrupted by a southeast wind with rain, followed by a violent storm from the southwest. But we had by this time become quite accustomed to the storms as well as to the daily deaths.—Also on October 5 we still scudded under the spanker. With the violence of the gale the weather was very clear and unusually cold.

On October 6 we scudded likewise under the spanker; for, although the storm had gone down somewhat, the sea was still running too high. During the greater part of the day the sun was visible; at times, however, hail and snow squalls occurred, and, shortly after, we saw rainbows twice; at the same time it was very cold. Towards evening many sharks (Canes Galeos)^[283] were seen for the first time on this voyage, swimming about our ship. During the night the wind died down. This day our ship’s brandy gave out.

On October 7 the air was cold and clear. At seven o’clock in the morning we began again to make use of the lower sails but with poor success on account of the high sea. The wind was SW by W.

On October 8 the wind and the weather during the day were as on the day before, but towards evening, about three o’clock, the unlucky southeaster suddenly started in with greatest force. Two hours later with a westerly wind we again encountered a very severe gale with mixed rain and hail. It seemed now as if it would finally be decided to go to America, since, with the lower sails set even in this gale, we were running toward the northeast.

On October 9 the storm became even more violent, consequently we scudded northeast the whole day. However, we had sunshine today and a very clear night. During the 10th the storm continued with equal violence. Lieutenant Waxel very eagerly made it his business to persuade the Captain Commander, who, because of too much inactivity, was laid up very badly with the scurvy, to agree that we should approach the mainland of America in order to winter there, as the impossibility [of reaching Kamchatka] was obvious and as within a few days we should no longer be able to handle the sails and the ship with so many sick persons, when it would seem that one and all, with the whole equipment, must be irretrievably lost. But the Commander, who had been imposed upon so often, placed now as little faith in the one as in the other and encompassed his unqualified opinion in the command that a vow might be made for the purpose of collecting money, by the Russians for the church of the expedition in Avacha but by the Lutherans for the church at Viborg.^[284]

On the 11th of October we got very beautiful bright weather and sunshine. The wind was WNW, and with it we sailed southwest. Towards night the wind died down completely, and it became as calm as on September 21. However, about one o’clock after midnight a strong south wind began to blow, with which we scurried westward at such a rate that we made more than one and three-quarter miles an hour. On the 12th we ran with this wind W by N; but towards noon the wind shifted to southwest, and about six o’clock in the evening we again got a fierce storm with snow, rain, and hail. A rainbow was also seen.

On October 13 the storm moderated. Owing to the contrary westerly wind we tacked between south and northwest. During the forenoon the sun was seen frequently, but in the afternoon it began alternately raining and hailing, and towards evening a rainbow was again seen. On the 14th the sea quieted down completely; the air at the same time was clear, the sun shone, but it was rather cold nevertheless. On this day the talk of America was again started.^[285] On the 15th we had sunshine all day, moderate northwest winds, and a quiet sea.

On October 16 the weather was very pleasant and warm and the sea still. Towards evening, about six o’clock, God sent us a strong south wind with which at first we sailed [at the hourly rate of] three, and soon after four knots. During the night the wind shifted to the east, so that we made five, six, and six and a half [knots]. At the break of day it veered to the northeast and became so strong that we dared to run only under the lower sails.

On October 17 it rained the whole day. For the first time we now sailed twenty-four hours with a steady northeast wind, though it was altogether too strong. After we had advanced 24 miles in twenty hours, the wind increased to such a degree that from four o’clock in the evening we had to lay to. At night it stormed rather hard, but in the morning it began to moderate.

On the 18th of October the weather was by turns bright and dark, though very cold, the sea rather quiet, and the wind NW by N. We sailed all day SW by W [at the rate of] two and two and a half knots. By this time we had thirty-two sick persons. However, both the sick and those who of necessity were up were extremely depressed because of the changeable wind. During the 19th the wind, course, and weather were as on the day preceding. Grenadier Kiselev^[286] died.—On the 20th the wind, course, and weather were the same as on the day before, though it stormed in the night. The sluzhiv [servant] Kharitonov died.—There was no change in the wind and the course on the 21st; towards the evening, however, we encountered a storm, and the soldier Luka Zaviakov^[287] died.

On October 22 we had bright weather, sunshine, heavy frost, and westerly wind, and the course was set N by E straight for the mainland, a decision taken suddenly, since it was reported to Lieutenant Waxel that there were only fifteen casks of water on hand,^[288] of which three^[289] had become damaged and were almost empty. Because of the many other heavy expenses nobody had been willing to be responsible for iron hoops on the barrels, although on board wooden hoops decay during such a long voyage.^[290]

On the 23rd of October the wind changed and, with the wind, the eagerness of the officers to go to America. During the forenoon, therefore, we ran with southeast wind and in the afternoon and night with east wind at such a rate,^[291] in spite of the bad weather and hail showers, that in twenty-four hours we made 31 miles, and thus, with thirteen casks of water, we pushed on close to America with the intention of either reaching Kamchatka or stopping at the earliest opportunity at the nearest convenient island. This was proclaimed openly in order to discourage the sick still more.

On October 24 the wind and the weather were as on the day before; in the evening, however, the wind became northerly. We had progressed with it so far that, according to Mr. Waxel’s reckoning, we were believed to be 134 and, according to second mate Yushin’s, 122 miles from Avacha.^[292] We were gradually nearing the parallel of 53° because it was believed that there was no more land in the way, and the decision was made to keep steadily on 52°, so that, in case of eventual extreme lack of water, we might be in a position to make use of any wind blowing along the land of Kamchatka. If the wind should become northerly, we would run between the first and second Kurile Islands and anchor there; however, if the wind should come from the south we could make the port of Avacha with even less difficulty; besides, easterly winds would be advantageous in all events. This project, brought upon the tapis by Lieutenant Waxel, was indeed the most reasonable, in case they wanted to go to Avacha without letting themselves be turned away by something else. But time will tell how constant they were in this matter and why, likewise at whose instigation, five days later, without any reason whatsoever they wickedly deviated from it, which might have been the destruction of many [men] and of the vessel, nay of us all, if God, manifestly by a miracle, had not preserved us, wherein the officers had as little part as their own understanding and conscience probably has persuaded them that they have.—Moreover, misery and death suddenly got the upper hand on our ship to such an extent that not only did the sick die off, but those who according to their own assertion were well, on being relieved at their posts, dropped dead from exhaustion. The small allowance of water, the lack of biscuits and brandy, the cold, dampness, nakedness, vermin, fright, and terror were not the least important causes.

On October 25 we had very clear weather with sunshine. Still, there were occasional hailstorms in the afternoon. In the morning we discovered to our astonishment to the north of us, on the 51st parallel, a large and high island^[293] which on the outward voyage we had forty miles to the east of us.^[294] At noon we were in 50° 35′ north latitude.^[295]

On the 26th of October the sea was very quiet, the air gloomy, frosty, and frequently alternating snow and hail. At noon the reckoning was yet 103 miles from Avacha.^[296]

On October 27 after one o’clock in the night we got a SSW wind with which we sailed northwest throughout that night and day in order to make the latitude of 52° as agreed upon. The calculation at noon gave still 90 miles from Avacha.^[297] In the afternoon the wind changed to a gale; however, now that the men have become bolder and have learned to know the vessel and our masts better, the topsails were kept standing all day. It was now quite evident that we were in the Channel,^[298] because the waves, even when a storm arose, were not so high and the winds were not subject to such sudden changes. I also observed now that the waves, with winds of the same force, did not rage so furiously as in September, probably because now the air was heavier and stronger^[299] and consequently exercised a greater pressure on the surface of the sea.^[300] The same reason will also explain the fact that now the air is clear and brighter, while on the other hand nothing but fog and thick and dark atmosphere prevail in spring and summer, inasmuch as the west, southwest, and south winds, which mostly blow steadily through the spring and summer, fill the atmosphere with vapors which are only driven hither and thither, but not dispersed, by the occasional north winds. However, through the coldness of the air these vapors are condensed in the form of hail and snow and consequently are precipitated, so that the air becomes clearer after each squall; whereupon it remains calm for a while, until new vapor has gathered at the same place.^[301]

On the 28th of October, in the morning, we were surprised again by something new: When the day broke we observed a great change in the water, from which it was not difficult to conclude that we must be near land. When the lead was heaved we found ourselves in fourteen fathoms. A little later the atmosphere cleared and we saw an island ahead of us, straight on our course, only about a mile distant.^[302] It lay NE and SW in relation to the mainland of America and did not seem to be very high, but rather low, with flat and sandy beaches. For the second time we had here occasion to see plainly God’s gracious help, as we should have been done for without fail if we had come into this situation a couple of hours sooner and in the dark of night, or if God, even now, had not driven the fog away. We might well conclude that, in addition to the islands seen, there must have been many others here and there along our course, which we may have sailed past at night and in foggy weather, indicated, it is true, by the seaweed constantly drifting from land towards us. Similarly, about this time a small species of diver, known as starik,^[303] flew aboard our vessel during the night; these birds habitually pass the night on the rocks and fly against everything that they see only dimly near at hand, like owls in the daytime.^[304] Because of this, large numbers of them around Avacha are caught alive with the hands^[P20] by merely sitting down near them covered with a mantle or kuklanka (a fur coat of the Kamchadals), under which they then gather as if in a ready nest.—Under the circumstances it was our luck that Master Khitrov’s unfortunate proposition was not accepted: he would that we should anchor here out in the open sea and lower the boat in order to fetch water from shore, regardless of the fact that only ten feeble persons were left, who, though able to lend a hand, were yet in no condition to hoist the anchor again from the bottom; so that in the storm which ensued three hours later we should assuredly all together have found our grave in the waves.

On October 29 we continued our course with the same wind. At intervals it rained throughout the day. On the 30th, likewise in the morning, we saw in latitude 50° and some minutes two islands,^[305] lying close to one another, which were separated from each other by a narrow channel. These were taken for the first two Kurile Islands, especially on the statements of and the landmarks indicated by the Kamchatkan natives who were on board the vessel. But as no one would venture to assert it positively, the officers disregarded it recklessly, nor would they listen to those who thought they saw the mainland beyond. And yet four other reasons might be advanced for this, viz.: (1) the many sea otters which now appeared about our ship and never before during the voyage had come in sight so frequently, while at the Kurile Islands they really are so numerous;^[306] (2) the west wind, which we encountered here suddenly, as an indication that we were near land;^[307] (3) the observed latitude,^[P21] which corresponded to that of the first Kurile Islands;^[308] (4) the heavy fog which in the west seemed to hide the land, while on the contrary it was clear in the east. Likewise, if the position of Lopatka and the first Kurile Islands be compared with the five days’ course kept from there directly north and the distance run then west by south until we came to Bering Island—the position of which, as we learned later, is twenty miles straight east of the mouth of the Kamchatka River—it will be seen that without any doubt we have been at the first two Kurile Islands,^[309] though the officers, to this hour, will neither admit nor believe it. Besides, to the question, why they went as far north as 56°, consequently deviating from their own decision not to go beyond 52°, thereby causing our non-arrival and the final ruin of the ship, they will not in all eternity be able to return an answer.

Accordingly, against all reason we sailed northward because, as Master Khitrov told Lieutenant Waxel, otherwise our dead reckoning would not come out even,^[310] since it indicated still over sixty miles from Avacha. They would rather jeopardize the welfare of us all than appear to have made a mistake, whereby, in addition, the whole chart, as well as the reckoning, would be incorrect and uncertain, if the error were only covered up and not pointed out, especially since, in view of the long voyage, the many storms gone through, the unknown currents,^[311] the beating to windward, etc., and also in view of the fact that the method used in determining the longitude (though the best, in default of a better one) is nevertheless subject to very many inaccuracies, an error of thirty to forty miles would not be considered bad, while on the contrary a too precise exactness must to intelligent people appear either a miracle or humbug.

Apart from this baseless excuse, there seems, judging from many circumstances, to have been hidden behind it quite a secret motive which had egotistical designs for its object. Namely, they preferred to go north in order to be able to use the dire necessity as a pretext why they would have to enter the mouth of the Kamchatka River and not Avacha [Bay]. This we understood well enough, partly from the bad terms they were on with the Captain Commander and partly from the jealousy between Lieutenant Waxel and Master Khitrov.^[312]

Fig. 15—Track of the St. Peter on approaching Bering Island, November 4-5, 1741, as reconstructed by L. Stejneger. Scale, 1:2,560,000. (This should replace the representation in Vol. 1, Pl. I.)

On October 31, as well as on November 1, 2, and 3, nothing unusual occurred except that our patients were dying off very rapidly^[313] and many at a time, so that it was scarcely possible to manage the ship or make any change in the sails. At God’s mercy, under two leaders, betrayed and sold, we proceeded northward, through the 51st, 52nd, 53rd, 54th, 55th, and as far as the 56th parallel. On November 4, in the middle of the night, we started to run W by S with a suitable wind.^[314] On the 5th in the morning the order was given to shorten sail so as not to run on the land. Everybody stood on deck and looked about for the land, as the thing was announced with very great mathematical certainty. To our great astonishment it chanced that towards nine o’clock land was seen.^[315] It is impossible to describe how great and extraordinary was the joy of everybody at this sight. The half-dead crawled up to see it, and all thanked God heartily for this great mercy. The Captain Commander, who was a very sick man, became not a little aroused, and all talked of how, after having suffered such terrible misery, they were going to care for their health and take a rest. Little cups of brandy concealed here and there made their appearance in order to keep up the joy. These cool words were heard trumpeted forth with the voice of a herald: “Even if there had been a thousand navigators, they could not have hit it off to a hair like this in their reckoning; we are not a half mile off.”—The sketches of Avacha were produced and the land was found to agree exactly with them; Isopa [Cape], Cape Shipunski, the mouth of the harbor, and the mayak [lighthouse] were pointed out.^[316] Although it might have been known from the dead reckoning that we were at the very least on the 55th parallel, while Avacha is two degrees farther south, yet, because a headland was seen which was taken to be Shipunski, our course was set northerly. When we had doubled the supposed Isopa, which was, however, the extreme point of the first island,^[317] and already were in the arm of the sea between the first and the second island,^[318] though before the channel [between them] could be seen or their nature as islands ascertained, it happened that the noon sun permitted an observation to be taken, according to which we were between the 55th and 56th degrees of north latitude, and we consequently began to doubt, quite naturally, that this was the region about Avacha. We attempted to get back around the first island’s end, which lay to the southeast^[319] and had been taken for Isopa, but in vain, though we tried to do so by tacking until evening.—Towards evening we turned northward, in order to get away from land, because a storm was expected, that actually broke out in the night. The shrouds of the mainmast broke from the violent force of the wind and [the weight of] the sails, since the topsails and courses remained set as they had stood during the day without being reefed and since it was impossible for the feeble remnant of the crew to take them in during the middle of the night in the growing storm; so that in the morning, after the turbulent and stormy night had changed into a most pleasant day and weather, we did not dare carry all the sail we could and should have carried. On November 6,^[320] Master Khitrov, who had already won Lieutenant Waxel over to his side and also brought around the petty officers and the crew, therefore proposed that, in view of the late autumn season, the bad weather,^[321] the unserviceable mast, as well as the distance from Avacha, and the small number of sailors and soldiers, feeble and sick, the Captain Commander should call a council, in which it should be decided to land in the bay to the west of us, where, at an estimated distance of six miles, a harbor was suspected. And this was accomplished in the following manner:—The Captain Commander, it is true, insisted that since we had already risked and endured worse and could still use the foremast and since we had yet six casks of water, an attempt should be made to reach the port [Avacha]. However, both officers opposed his proposition, insisted on a landing in the bay, and persuaded all the petty officers and crew, who likewise assented but nevertheless were only willing to sign on condition that, as non-experts, they could be assured that this land was Kamchatka; if it was not, they would be prepared still to risk the utmost and work to the last. As Master Khitrov now assured them that, if this were not Kamchatka, he would let his head be cut off, the outcome depended upon a few only, some of whom, however, by smooth as well as hard words were compelled to sign against their will.—The Captain Commander thereupon ordered the adjutant, at that time reduced to the rank of sailor, at present the Lieutenant Ovtsin, to express his opinion.^[322] But as he concurred in the opinion of the Captain Commander, the order of both the officers was: “Get out, shut up,^[323] scoundrel, rascal!” and so he had to leave the council. At last, according to the favorite^[324] order of precedence, my turn came also; but warned by the example of Ovtsin I answered: “I have never been consulted in anything from the beginning, nor will my advice be taken if it does not agree with what is wanted; besides, the gentlemen themselves say that I am not a sailor; therefore I would rather not say anything.”—I was next asked if I, as a person worthy of belief (being now for the first time so considered) would not at least add a written certificate regarding the sickness and the miserable condition of the crew.—This I thereupon undertook to do, in accord with my conscience.—And thus it was decided to enter the bay and to land there but to send from there to Lower Kamchatka Post for podvods (posthorses) to transport the men.

Although the situation contradicted the opinion that this was Kamchatka, because the mainland of Kamchatka from Chukotski Nos to Lopatka lies NE-SW, while the island before us, afterwards called Bering’s Island, lay NW-SE, yet the hope remained that it might be a nos (headland) of Kamchatka, most of which have such a position. On the other hand, the land seemed too large to be a nos of Kamchatka, as no headland in Kamchatka is known that equals the fifteen-mile-long Shipunski, while by eye measure the island before us was at least twenty-five miles long^[325] and, besides, other projections extended from it very far out to sea, so that by good rights it might have been considered a separate land rather than a promontory. In the end, therefore, the conclusion would probably have to be drawn that it could be neither the mainland of Kamchatka nor a promontory of it, which [promontory, if it were a promontory], moreover, no one on our vessel professed to know. However, the erroneous idea originating from Bering’s first expedition was too deeply rooted, that there could exist no island so near Kamchatka, especially in this latitude where the sea was said to have been explored for fifty miles from land.^[326]

Accordingly they went, without further concern, straight towards the land into the bay. When towards four o’clock in the evening we were so near land that it appeared to be scarcely a mile away from us, and for three hours no officer had shown himself on deck, as was usual on all dangerous occasions, and all were gently and sweetly sleeping, I went to the Captain Commander and begged that he might order that at least one of the officers should remain at his watch,^[327] since it looked as though they were intending to run ashore without further precaution. Both officers were indeed ordered on deck, but they evinced no further concern than to order the course to be held straight for land. When towards sundown we had arrived within two versts of shore, they began to heave the lead and advanced about another verst, where at last they anchored in nine fathoms. It was now already night but very light on account of the moon, and after the lapse of half an hour such a heavy surf, or burun, began to run at this place that the ship was tossed about like a ball and threatened to strike against the bottom. It also snapped the anchor cable, so that we expected nothing short of being wrecked. The confusion became still greater by the constant breaking of the waves, the shouting and the wailing, so that no one any longer knew who should give or who should take orders. All that the officers, terrified and seized with the fear of death, did was to shout that the [cable of the] second anchor be cut and a new [anchor] thrown over into the burun. When they had thus lost two anchors in half a quarter of an hour, the present Lieutenant Ovtsin and the boatswain came forward at last and forbade the throwing over of any more anchors, because it was to no purpose so long as we were tossed about among the waves on the reef; they advised on the contrary to let the vessel drift.—When we had thus passed inside the bar and the surf, these men, who alone had retained their reason, let the last anchor drop, because we now lay between the burun and the shore as in a placid lake, all at once quiet and delivered of all fear of stranding.—The wise sayings which were uttered while we were in imminent peril of death, and about which one could scarcely keep himself from laughing^[328] even in the midst of the danger, can be judged, among other things, by the fact that someone asked whether the water was very salty, as if death in fresh water would be more delightful.—Another, for the better encouragement of the panic-stricken men shouted: “Oh, God! It is all over with us! Oh, God, our ship! A disaster has befallen our ship!” God now laid bare the resoluteness of the hearts which ordinarily were bursting with courage. He who until now had been the greatest talker and advice-giver^[329] kept himself concealed, until others, with God’s help, had found a way out, whereupon he began valiantly to preach courage to the men, though he himself from high-heartedness was as pale as a corpse.—In the midst of this hubbub another ridiculous performance took place. For several days we had been carrying with us the dead trumpeter and a soldier^[330] in order to bury them ashore, but now they were thrown without ceremony neck and heels into the sea, because some superstitious fellows, at the beginning of the terror, regarded the dead bodies as the cause of the commotion.

The night was otherwise very pleasant and light. On November 7^[331] we had again a very pleasant day and a northeast wind. I spent the morning in packing so much of my baggage as I could get hold of near by. Because I could see plainly that our vessel could not hold together longer than till the first violent storm, when it must either be driven out to sea or dashed to pieces against the beach, I, with Mr. Plenisner, my cossack, and several of the sick men went ashore first.

We had not yet reached the beach when a strange and disquieting^[332] sight greeted us, inasmuch as from the land a number of sea otters came towards us in the sea, which from a distance some of us took for bears, others for wolverines, but later on we learned to know, unfortunately, only too well.—As soon as we had landed, Mr. Plenisner went to hunt with the gun, while I investigated the natural conditions of the surroundings. After having made various observations, I returned towards evening to the sick men, and there I also found Lieutenant Waxel, who was very weak and faint. We refreshed ourselves with tea. Among other things I remarked: “God knows whether this is Kamchatka!”—receiving, however, from him [Waxel] the reply: “What else can it be? We shall soon send for podvods (horses); the ship, however, we shall cause to be taken to the mouth of the Kamchatka River by cossacks, the anchors can be had any time, the most important thing now is to save the men.”—In the meantime Mr. Plenisner also came back, told what he had seen, and brought half a dozen ptarmigans,^[333] which he sent on board to the Captain Commander with the Lieutenant, in order to revive him by means of the fresh food. I, however, sent him some nasturtium-like herbs^[334] for a salad.—Later two cossacks and a cannoneer arrived, who had killed two sea otters and two seals, news which appeared quite remarkable to us. When we reproached them for^[335] not bringing the meat in for our refreshment, they fetched us a seal, which seemed to them preferable to the sea otter for eating. As evening came I made a soup from a couple of ptarmigans and ate this dish with Mr. Plenisner, young Waxel, and my cossack. In the meanwhile Mr. Plenisner made a hut out of driftwood and an old sail, and under it we slept that night alongside the sick.

On November 8^[336] we again enjoyed pleasant weather. This morning Mr. Plenisner made the agreement with me that he should shoot birds, while I should look for other kinds of food, and that we should meet again towards noon in this place. With my cossack I went at first along the beach to the eastward, gathered various natural curiosities, and also chased a sea otter; my cossack, however, shot eight blue foxes,^[337] the number and fatness of which as well as the fact that they were not shy astonished me exceedingly. Moreover, since I saw the many manati^[338] near shore in the water, [animals] which I had never before seen and even now could not well make out as they lay all the time half in the water, but concerning which my cossack asserted that they were known nowhere in Kamchatka,^[339] and likewise since nowhere any tree or shrubbery was to be seen, I began to doubt that this was Kamchatka, especially as the sea sky over in the south indicated sufficiently that we were on an island surrounded by the sea.^[340]

Toward noon I returned to the hut and after dinner decided to go with Mr. Plenisner and our cossack westward along the beach in order to search for forests or small timber; we found nothing whatever, but saw a few sea otters and killed various blue foxes and ptarmigans. On the way back we sat down at a small stream, regaled ourselves with tea, and thanked God heartily that once more we had good water and under us solid ground, at the same time recalling how wonderfully we had fared and remembering the unjust conduct of various people.

During the day an effort was made by the disposition of the anchors, large and small, as many as we had, to make the ship secure to the land^[341] in the best possible manner, and for that reason the boat did not come ashore. In the evening, as we were sitting around the camp fire after having eaten our meal, a blue fox came up and took away two ptarmigans right before our eyes. This was the first sample of the many tricks and thefts which those animals practiced on us later.—I had to encourage my sick and feeble cossack, who regarded me as the cause of his misfortune and reproached me for my curiosity which had led me into this misery, [thus] making the first step to our future companionship. “Be of good cheer,” I said, “God will help. Even if this is not our country, we have still hope of getting there; you will not starve; if you cannot work and wait on me, I will do it for you; I know your upright nature and what you have done for me; all that I have belongs to you also; only ask and I will divide with you equally until God helps.”—But he said: “Good enough; I will gladly serve Your Majesty, but you have brought me into this misery. Who compelled you to go with these people? Could you not have enjoyed the good times on the Bolshaya River?”—I laughed heartily at his frankness and said: “God be praised, we are both alive! If I have dragged you into this misery, you have in me, with God’s help, a lifelong friend and benefactor. My intentions were good, Thoma, so let yours be good also; moreover, you do not know what might have happened to you at home.”

In the meantime I took this as a cue to consider how we could protect ourselves against the winter by building a hut, in case it turned out that we were not in Kamchatka but on an island. That evening, therefore, I started to confer with Mr. Plenisner about building a hut for all eventualities and assisting each other with word and deed as good friends, no matter how the circumstances might shape themselves. Although for appearance’s sake, in order not to discourage me, he did not assent to my opinion that this was an island,^[342] nevertheless he accepted my plan in regard to the hut.

On November 9 the wind was from the east and the weather rather bearable. In the morning we went out to look for a site and to collect wood and selected during the day the spot where we built later on and where the whole command also set up their huts and wintered.—However, we were far too busy killing blue foxes, of which I and Mr. Plenisner in one day got sixty, partly knocking them down with the axe and partly stabbing them with a Yakut palma.^[343]—Towards evening we returned to our old hut, where again some of the sick had been brought ashore.

On the 10th of November the wind was from the east; in the forenoon it was clear, in the afternoon cloudy, and during the night the wind whirled much snow about. We carried all our baggage a verst away to the place which we had selected the day before for the building of a dwelling. In the meantime more sick were brought ashore, among them also the Captain Commander,^[344] who spent the evening and night in a tent. I, with others, was with him and wondered at his composure and singular contentment. He asked what my idea was about this land.—I answered that it did not look to me like Kamchatka; the great number and tame assurance of the animals of itself clearly indicated that it must be sparsely inhabited or not at all; but nevertheless it could not be far from Kamchatka, as the land plants observed here occur in the same number, proportion, and size as in Kamchatka, while on the other hand the peculiar plants discovered in America are not found in the corresponding localities. Besides, I had found on the beach a poplar-wood window shutter, with cross moldings, that some years ago the high water had washed ashore and covered with sand near the place where we later built our huts; I showed it and pointed out that it was unquestionably of Russian workmanship and probably from the ambars which stood at the mouth of the Kamchatka River. The most likely place for which this land might be taken^[345] would be Cape Kronotski. Nevertheless, I did not fail to make known my doubts as to this, based on the following experience: I showed, namely, a piece of a fox trap that I had found on the beach during the first day; on this the teeth, instead of being of iron, consisted of so-called Entale,^[346] of the occurrence of which in Kamchatka I have no information and regarding which it consequently is to be supposed that the sea must have washed this token over from America, where, in default of iron, this invention may well have been made use of, while in Kamchatka, where iron already is plentiful through trade, it would be superfluous. I mentioned at the same time the unknown sea animal, manati, which I had seen, and the character of the water sky opposite in the south.—To all this I got the reply: “The vessel can probably not be saved, may God at least spare our longboat.”

In the evening after having eaten in company with the Commander the ptarmigans which Mr. Plenisner shot during the day, I told Betge, the assistant surgeon, that he might live with us if he liked, for which he gave thanks; and thus our company now consisted of four. We therefore walked over to the place of our new quarters, sat by the camp fire, and discussed, over a cup of tea, how we would put our plan into execution. I built near by a small hut which I covered with my two overcoats and an old blanket; the openings on the sides were stopped up with dead foxes which we had killed during the day and were lying about in heaps, and then we retired to rest, but Mr. Betge returned to the Commander.

Towards midnight a strong wind arose, which was accompanied by much snow, tore off our roof, and drove the three of us from our quarters. We ran up and down the beach in the dark gathering driftwood, carried it to a pit dug like a grave for two persons, and decided to pass the night there. We laid the wood crosswise over it and covered the top with our clothes, overcoats, and blankets, made a fire to warm ourselves, went to sleep again, and thus, God be thanked, passed a very good night.

On the following day (November 11) I went down to the sea and fetched a seal, the fat of which I cooked with peas and ate in company with my three comrades, who in the meantime had made two shovels and begun to enlarge our pit.—In the afternoon the Captain Commander was brought to us on a stretcher and had a tent, made of a sail, put upon the spot that we had originally chosen for our dwelling place. We entertained him, as well as the other officers who had come to our pit, with tea.—Towards evening both officers returned to the ship. Master Khitrov even proposed to Lieutenant Waxel that they should winter on board the vessel in the open sea, because, according to his idea, more warmth and comfort could be had there than on land, where, for lack of wood, one would have to endure the winter in a tent. This proposition was now approved as very sensible, yet three days later^[347] the Master, on his own accord, came ashore and could not be brought back on board the vessel by any orders when later he was to haul it up on the beach.—However, we continued to enlarge our underground home by digging and collected everywhere on the beach wood for a roof and inside coating.—This evening^[348] we fixed up a light roof and in the person of assistant constable Roselius obtained the fifth member of our party.^[349] In the same manner a few others, who still had strength left, began also to dig a four-cornered pit in the frozen sand and covered it over the next day with double sails in order to shelter the sick.

On November 12^[350] we worked with the greatest industry on our habitation, observed also that others, following our example, dug for themselves in the same manner a third habitation which received its name from its founder, the boatswain Alexei Ivanov.—During the day many of the sick were brought from the vessel, some of whom expired as soon as they came into the air, as was the case with the cannoneer; others in the boat on the way over, as the soldier Savin Stepanov; some right on the beach, as the sailor Sylvester.^[351]—Everywhere on the shore there was nothing but pitiful and terrifying sights. The dead, before they could be interred, were mutilated by the foxes, who even dared to attack the living and helpless sick, who lay about on the beach without cover, and sniffed at them like dogs. Some of the sick cried because they were cold, others because hungry and thirsty, since the mouths of many were so miserably affected by the scurvy that they could not eat anything because of the great pain, as the gums were swollen like a sponge, brown black, grown over the teeth and covering them.

The blue foxes (Lagopus),^[352] which by now had gathered about us in countless numbers, became, contrary to habit and nature, at the sight of man more and more tame, mischievous, and to such a degree malicious that they pulled all the baggage about, chewed up the leather soles,^[353] scattered the provisions, stole and carried off from one his boots, from another his socks, trousers, gloves, coats, etc., all of which were lying under the open sky and could not be guarded because of the lack of well persons. Even objects made of iron, and other kinds which they could not eat, were nevertheless sniffed at and stolen. It even seemed as if these miserable animals were to plague and chastise us more and more in the future, as actually happened, perhaps in order that we, like the Philistines,^[354] might also be punished by the foxes for our eagerness for the precious Kamchatkan fox skins. It even seemed that the more of them we killed and tortured for revenge most cruelly before the eyes of the others, letting them run away half-skinned, without eyes, ears, tails, half roasted, etc., the more malevolent and audacious became the others, so that they also broke into our habitations and dragged out of them whatever they could get hold of, though occasionally, in spite of our misery, they moved us to laughter by their cunning and funny monkey tricks.^[355]

November 14.^[356] This afternoon, with Mr. Plenisner and Mr. Betge, I went hunting for the first time, or, as we afterwards used to say in the Siberian way, went on the promysl. We clubbed four sea otters, half of which we threw into a creek, which therefrom afterwards retained the name Bobrovaya Ryechka [Sea Otter Creek] and the place where we killed them Bobrovoe Pole [Sea Otter Field],^[357] but the best meat, together with the skins and the entrails, we carried home, where we did not arrive until night. From the liver, kidneys, heart, and the meat of these animals we made several palatable dishes and ate them gratefully and with the wish that Providence would not deprive us of this food in the future or put us in the necessity of eating the stinking, disgusting, and hated foxes, which nevertheless, out of prudence, we did not want to exterminate but only to frighten. The precious skins of the sea otters we regarded already as a burden which had lost its value to us, and, as we had no leisure to dry and prepare them, they were thrown about from one day to another until finally they spoiled, together with many others, and were chewed to pieces by the foxes. On the other hand, we now began to regard many things as treasures to which formerly we had paid little or no attention, such as axes, knives, awls, needles, thread, shoe twine, shoes, shirts, socks, sticks, strings, and similar things which in former days many of us would not have stooped to pick up. We all realized that rank, learning, and other distinctions would be of no advantage here in the future or suffice as a means of sustenance; therefore, before being driven to it by shame and necessity, we ourselves decided to work with what strength we had still left, so as not to be laughed at afterward or wait until we were ordered. Thus we five^[358] introduced among ourselves a community of goods with regard to the victuals we still had left and arranged our housekeeping in such a manner that at the end there might be no want. The others of our party, three cossacks, and the two servants of the Captain Commander,^[359] whom we later took over, we managed, though not exactly as before, yet in such a way that they had to obey when we decided anything jointly, since they received all household goods^[360] from us. Nevertheless, we began in the meantime to address everybody somewhat more politely by their patronymics and given name, so as to win them over and be able to rely more on their fidelity^[361] in case of misfortune later on; and we soon learned that Peter Maximovich was more ready to serve than Petrusha^[P22] was formerly. This evening we talked over how we would arrange our household affairs in the future, prepare beforehand against all unexpected mishaps, and, as far as possible, try to keep alive the hope of returning to Asia;^[362] we also discussed the unfortunate circumstances in which we had been placed in such a short time that, setting aside the decencies of life to which everyone was entitled, we now were obliged to work in this unaccustomed way simply to sustain a miserable existence. Nevertheless, we encouraged one another not to lose heart but with the greatest possible cheerfulness and earnestness to work for our own benefit as well as for the welfare of the others and by our exertions to support loyally their strength and undertakings.

Today^[363] I brought the Captain Commander a young, still suckling sea otter and counseled him in every way and manner to let it be prepared for himself in default of other fresh food, but he showed a very great disgust at it and wondered at my taste, which adapted itself to circumstances.^[364] He much preferred to regale himself with ptarmigans as long as possible, of which he received from our company more than he could eat.

On November 13 the building of dwellings was continued. We divided ourselves into three parties; the first went on the vessel to work in order to bring the sick and the provisions ashore; the others dragged home great logs a distance of four versts from Lyesnaya Ryechka^[365] (Wood Creek), thus named by us; I, however, and a sick cannoneer^[366] remained at home, I attending to the kitchen and the other making a sled for hauling wood and other supplies. While thus taking upon myself the office of cook I also assumed a twofold minor function, namely, to visit the Captain Commander off and on and to assist him in various ways, as he could now expect but little service from his two attendants.^[367] Furthermore, as we were the first to set up housekeeping, it also became my duty to succor some of the weak and sick and to bring them warm soups, continuing this until they had recovered somewhat and were able to take care of themselves.

This day the “Barracks” were completed, and during the afternoon many of the sick were carried in but on account of the narrowness of the space were lying everywhere about on the ground covered with rags and clothing. No one was able to care for another, and nothing was heard but wailing and lamenting, the men times out of number calling down God’s judgment for revenge on the authors of their misfortune. And, truly, the sight was so pitiful that even the bravest might lose courage thereat.

On November 15,^[368] at last, all of the sick had been brought ashore. We took one of them, by name Boris Sänd,^[369] to be cared for in our dwelling, whom God withal helped back to health within three months. Master Khitrov also implored us for God’s sake to take him into our company and give him a corner, because he could not possibly longer remain among the crew, who day and night let him hear reproaches and threats for past doings,^[370] but as our dwelling was already filled up and as nobody was allowed to undertake anything without the assent of the others, all of us objected, as all were equally insulted by him, and refused him absolutely, especially because he was mostly sick from laziness and was the chief author of our misfortune.

During the days that followed our misery and work grew apace. Finally^[371] Waxel himself was also brought ashore. He was so badly ravaged by the scurvy that we abandoned all hope for his life, but nevertheless we did not fail to come to his help with both food and medicine, without a thought of former treatment. We were all the more anxious for his recovery, as it was to be feared that, after his decease, when the supreme command would fall to Khitrov, the universal hatred would destroy all discipline and delay, or even prevent, the enterprises necessary for our deliverance. We also induced our men to build a separate hut for him and a few other patients,^[372] but until it was erected he had to stand it in the Barracks.

In these days we also received the news, which depressed everybody still more, that our men sent out to scout had not found any indication in the west^[373] of a connection of this land with Kamchatka or even the slightest trace of human inhabitants. Besides, we were in daily fear that our vessel, in view of the constant storms, might be driven out to sea and that with it we should lose at one stroke all our provisions and our hope of deliverance. Because of the high waves we were often unable for several days to reach the vessel in the boat for the purpose of landing as many of the supplies as possible.^[374] In addition ten or twelve men were likewise taken sick who until now had worked steadily and beyond their strength and who until the end of the month often stood in the cold sea water to their armpits.^[375] Altogether, want, nakedness, cold, dampness, exhaustion, illness, impatience, and despair were the daily guests.^[376]

By a stroke of good luck the vessel, towards the end of November, was finally thrown up on the beach in a storm in a better way than perhaps might ever have been done by human effort.^[377] As thereby the hope of preserving the food on hand, scant as it was, as well as materials had been greatly raised, while at the same time the task of wading through the water to the vessel was rendered unnecessary, we began after a few days to give up all work for the present and to recover. Only the necessary household tasks^[378] were continued. Three men^[379] were again sent out to go into the country eastward and gather information. For all hope had not yet been abandoned that this might be Kamchatka and, since an error in the latitude might have been made, perhaps the region about Olyutora,^[380] the large number of foxes there also apparently lending probability to this view. Others believed this to be Cape Kronotski, and, although the error was easy to see, they loved to lull themselves into pleasant dreams with such hopes.

A number of persons died ashore at the very beginning. Among them we were particularly grieved over the old and experienced mate, Andreas Hesselberg,^[381] who had served at sea for more than fifty years and at the age of seventy was discharging his duties always in such a way that he carried to his grave the reputation of a preëminently useful man, whose disregarded advice might perhaps have saved us earlier.^[382] Besides him there died two grenadiers, one cannoneer, the master’s servant, one sailor, and finally, on December 8, Captain Commander Bering passed away, from whom this island was afterwards named. Two days after him his former adjutant, the master’s mate Khotyaintsov, died, and on January 8 the ensign Lagunov, the thirtieth in the sequence and the last one of our number [to die].^[383]

Inasmuch as the tragic end of the late Captain Commander has made different impressions on different people, I cannot but pause here awhile to make a few remarks regarding his past.

Vitus Bering was by birth a Dane, a righteous and devout Christian, whose conduct was that of a man of good manners, kind, quiet, and universally liked by the whole command, both high and low. After two voyages to the Indies he entered the service of the Russian navy in 1704 as a lieutenant and served in it with the utmost fidelity until his end in 1741, having worked his way up to the rank of Captain Commander. He was employed in the execution of various undertakings, of which the two Kamchatka expeditions are the most noteworthy. Fair-minded persons cannot but admit^[384] that to the best of his strength and ability he tried at all times to carry out the task imposed on him, though he himself confessed and often lamented that his strength was no longer equal to so difficult an expedition, that it had been made larger and more extensive than he had proposed, and likewise that at his age he could have wished to have the whole task taken out of his hands and put into those of a young and active man^[385] of the Russian^[386] nation.—As is well known, the late lamented was not born to quick decisions and swift action; however, in view of his fidelity, dispassionate temper, and circumspect deliberateness, the question remains whether another with more fire and heat would have overcome equally well the innumerable difficulties of and obstacles to his task without entirely laying waste these remote regions, when a commander such as he was, free from all self-interest, could scarcely keep his subordinates sufficiently under control in this matter.^[387]—The only blame which can be laid against this excellent man is that by his too lenient command he did as much harm^[388] as his subordinates by their too impetuous and often thoughtless action.^[389] He also had a somewhat too high esteem for his officers and too good an opinion of their intelligence and experience, and as a result they finally became too conceited, looked with contempt on all those near them and finally on the commander himself, and forgot their subordination, without thought of gratitude.^[390]

While the departed often used to recall, with thanks to God, how from his youth up everything had come his way and how only two months before he had been in happy circumstances, the more is his sad and miserable end to be pitied. He would undoubtedly have remained alive if he had reached Kamchatka and had only had the benefit of a warm room and fresh food. As it was, he perished almost from hunger, thirst, cold, hardship, and grief. The edematous swelling of the feet, which he had already had a long time from a suppressed tertian fever, was increased by the cold and forced into the abdomen and chest, and finally his life was ended by the inflammation in the lower abdomen on December 8, two hours before daybreak.^[391] As deplorable as his death appeared to his friends,^[392] so admirable was his calmness and earnest preparation for the parting, which came while [he was] in full possession of his reason and speech. He himself was convinced that we had been cast away upon an unknown land, yet he did not want to dishearten the others by saying so but on the contrary cheered them on to hope and activity in every way.^[393]—On the day following we buried his lifeless body according to the rites of the Protestant church^[394] near our dwelling, where he lies between his adjutant, a commissary, and two grenadiers.^[395] At our departure we placed a wooden cross^[396] on the grave as a monument, which would likewise serve as a sign of our having taken possession of the country.^[397]

Fig. 16—Site at Komandor Bay, Bering Island, where the shipwrecked expedition wintered. The cross to the right on the hillside is on the spot where Bering is supposed to have been buried. Farther to the left is the site of the summer huts which were built after the dugouts by the side of the stream were flooded. The tent is near where the relics shown in Fig. 17 were dug up. (Photo by Col. Voloshinov, 1885.)

Fig. 17—Relics of Bering’s second expedition recovered by L. Stejneger, August 30, 1882, from the site on Bering Island where the new vessel was built or the magazine stood in which the material was stored that had to be left behind (now in the historical collections of the U. S. National Museum).

Left: Relics from the St. Peter. 1, 2, iron eyelets; 3, lump of gunpowder; 4, 5, 6, iron nails and spikes; 7, wooden sheave from a pulley block.

Right: Fragments of a thin brass shield with embossed figures showing the Russian coat of arms (restored), surmised to have formed the front piece of a grenadier’s cap. The edges are perforated with remnants of thread still attached with which the shield was stitched on.

After the death of our leader we had made so much progress that the entire command found itself in five underground dwellings secure against the severity of the winter. They were all located alongside one another on the site that had been first selected for quarters and were named as follows: the Barracks, the Lieutenant’s yurt [hut], mine, Alexei Ivanov’s, and Luka Alexeiev’s yurts. In front of each dwelling stood several barrels which served instead of a storehouse for keeping our supply of meat from the foxes. We had also erected scaffolds upon which to hang all kinds of clothing and effects. By holy Christmas Day most of the men had been restored to health alone by means of the excellent water and the fresh meat of various sea animals,^[398] and we were only concerned with gathering more and more strength so as to be able by spring to start the work for our delivery more vigorously. Our efforts to this end were divided into three main tasks. [The] first [was], because of lack of sufficient supplies, to kill sea animals in order to provide the greater part of our food, reserving bread only as a delicacy. From the middle of November to the beginning of the month of May each man received monthly thirty pounds of flour; in July and August even that ceased, so that we had to be satisfied with meat alone, since, with the consent of all, twenty-five poods of flour were set aside for our voyage to Kamchatka. Nevertheless, everybody was so economical with his provisions that few were without bread even during the last months^[399] and every hut could still make biscuits for the voyage, half of which, besides 20 poods of flour, were taken to the port [Avacha]. We were only unfortunate in that the flour had been lying pressed hard into leather sacks for two or three years and, at the stranding of the ship, had been impregnated with substances dissolved in the salt water in the hold, particularly gunpowder, to such a degree that in eating it one did not dare consult one’s taste. Until we got used to it, our bodies became distended like drums from flatulence. Because no real bread could be baked, as we had no oven,^[400] small cakes (oladi)^[401] were fried from this [flour] in the Russian manner in seal fat or whale oil, but towards the end in manati [sea cow] fat, and distributed among the men one by one. Not until nearly twelve months after, when just before our departure we succeeded in putting up two ovens, did we experience the luxury of once more eating bread.^[402] Game we could have had plentifully without much effort had not our men, by raging among the animals without discipline and order, often only to amuse each other, driven them quite early from our neighborhood and, later on, for the purpose of sacrificing the skins to their covetousness and gambling passion, killed the sea otters and thrown their flesh away, so that towards the end we were obliged to go to the most distant parts of the island to hunt.^[403]

The second main effort consisted in transportation of wood, which was regarded as one of the biggest and hardest tasks, since except for the low willow shrubs^[404] not a tree was to be found on the whole island, while the driftwood thrown out by the sea, not too common at that, was buried under the snow, sometimes an arshin,^[405] sometimes a fathom deep. That which was found in the neighborhood had been gathered early for building the huts and for fuel; in December we were already obliged to drag it in from a distance of four versts, in January and February from about ten versts,^[406] and finally in March even from fifteen to sixteen versts. In April, however, when the snow settled^[407] this labor came to a sudden stop, because not only did enough driftwood come in sight near by, but from the breaking up of the old ship and building of the new vessel there was enough refuse for heating and cooking purposes. However, we carried^[408] both the sea animals and the wood by means of a piece of wood across the breast tied with ropes; a common load weighed sixty and mostly up to eighty pounds, not counting axes, pots, and shoemaker’s and tailor’s tools, which everyone always had to have with him in order to mend the worn-out clothes and shoes as soon as a tear occurred. For this purpose as well as for soles the leathern provision sacks and knapsacks were cut up little by little.^[409]

The third task consisted in the management of the household matters, since cooking had to go on all the time, so that the workmen, no matter when they came home, might have enough to eat. In our [household] the arrangement was accordingly made that daily one or a couple of Germans and Russians went hunting, while the others went for wood, and one German together with one Russian attended to the kitchen. This arrangement was afterwards copied by all the others. Thus circumstanced, we celebrated all holidays and entertained after our own fashion.^[410]

Fig. 18—Facsimile of page from the published version of Steller’s journal (N. N. B., Vol. 6, 1793, p. 11; or book form, substantially p. 118: see Bibliography) to illustrate editorial changes from the MS by Pallas.

The upper third of this page is an abridgment of the MS between line 16 of fol. 76 (Fig. 19) and line 25 of fol. 77 (Fig. 20), which matter is translated in our footnotes 402 and 403. The equivalent of the lower two-thirds of this page does not occur in the MS for some folios to come.

Fig. 19—Reduced facsimile of fol. 76 of MS copy of Steller’s journal located by F. A. Golder in 1917 in the archives of the Academy of Sciences in Petrograd.

The beginning of this folio corresponds to the words “in that the flour had been lying pressed hard into leather sacks,” p. 160.

Fig. 20—Reduced facsimile of fol. 77 of MS copy of Steller’s journal.

The section on the sea otter beginning at line 26 of this folio does not appear in the corresponding place in the published version (see Fig. 18) as Pallas had already published it in Neue Nordische Beyträge Vol. 2, 1781, pp. 279-286, as part of the Description of Bering Island, to which he had transferred it. The translation of this section is given below in Appendix A under “Sea Otter, pp. 214-222.”

On December 26 the scouts whom we had sent out a second time returned with the report that we were on an island which they had walked around in an easterly direction.^[411] They had found, however, on the beach so many signs, such as rudders,^[412] bottoms of fish barrels, and similar objects, that no other conclusion was possible than that Kamchatka must be a short distance from here.

On January 29 [1742] our company killed the first sea lion.^[413] The meat was found to be of such exceptional quality and taste that we only wished soon to get hold of more. The fat was like beef marrow, and the meat almost like veal.

On February 1 a violent northwest gale and very high tide carried our ship so far up on the beach that we experienced no little hopes of being able to float it off to sea at high water, if only we could succeed in raising the anchors again in the spring, because we believed that, as the ship held the water it had taken in, the bottom could not be much damaged. This erroneous belief was due to the fact that the vessel was almost filled with sand inside, so that the water could not run out. Nevertheless, this setting of the ship so high up on the beach saved us much trouble later when we came to break it up.

On February 25 the hitherto mild weather tempted us to send out a third expedition to examine the land to the westward. For this purpose the assistant navigator Yushin and four men were sent off. In six days, however, they only got as far as the headland projecting to the north, sixty versts from our dwellings,^[414] and, after the whole exploration had turned into a sea otter hunt, they returned, as the weather by March 8 had again become worse, with the report, afterwards found to be false, that because of the precipitous cliffs extending into the sea they had not been able to go farther.^[415]

On March 10 we held another council and decided to order the boatswain, Alexei Ivanov, who was unanimously nominated, to go south across the country at Lyesnaya Ryechka^[416] and then to follow the shore until he came either to the end of the island or to the mainland itself, in case it were united with the latter, since it was still believed that we were stranded on Cape Kronotski.^[417] These scouts began the trip on March 15 but returned unexpectedly on the 19th, again with the report that they could go no farther in the south because of the steep rocks which extended into the sea. However, they, too, had missed the right way, as I discovered later on my trip. Nevertheless, they brought back two noteworthy pieces of information for us, viz., first, that they had found chips and fragments of the pinnace that had been built in Avacha the winter before; the carpenter Akulev^[418] recognized definitely the chips which he had hewn off in Avacha. Next they described to us an animal which they had seen for the first time on land and alive, and which, from their description, we took to be a sea bear [fur seal].^[419]

On March 22 this same boatswain with his former companions started off again under the former instructions with the changed order to go on the north side as far as the point projecting north, from there continue his way southward overland, and in case he met obstacles in the south, he should once more go northward across or along the mountains and keep on until he came to some mainland or to the other end of the island. In the latter case all of them should come back quickly in order not to put any further obstacles in the way of the building of the new vessel. If, however, they came to the mainland or to Kamchatka, half of the party should [proceed] to Avacha with the reports, the other half return to the command with the information. With three others from our yurt I accompanied these scouts and at Lyesnaya Ryechka went across the island for the first time, where on the same day we effected a great slaughter among the sea otters, as they were feeling secure and lying together in herds,^[420] so that we could have killed probably a hundred had we not thought more of the meat and the general welfare than of the precious skins.

Now that in the spring the snow had settled and it was possible for us to go across the land to the south, where the sea otters and seals had not yet been frightened away and were found by us in great numbers, our hopes rose not a little and we visited the new localities frequently, notwithstanding the fact that the way was very long and toilsome because of the mountains. Three times, however, there happened such disastrous accidents on this trail that almost a third of our men might have been lost.—On April 1 constable Roselius,^[421] assistant surgeon Betge, guard-marine Sint, and a cossack left our camp as usual to hunt. Towards evening there rose such a violent storm from the northwest that no one could keep on his feet or see a step ahead of him. In addition six feet of snow fell during the night. We had never before had such a tempest here. The men who had gone hunting, about whom we all were greatly worried, came all near perishing. After having passed the entire night lying under the snow, they were hardly able in the morning to dig themselves out and reach the beach. The guard-marine, however, had become separated from the others and seemed lost. Fortunately for all of them the snow stopped falling at the break of day, and we had hardly dug out [a passage] from the entrance to our hut^[422] when the three of our men who had kept together reached us out of their mind and unable to speak, as stiff as machines, and the assistant surgeon quite blind.^[423] We undressed them at once, covered them with feather beds, and revived them with tea.^[424] An hour later the guard-marine, in a still more pitiful condition and wandering aimlessly about on the beach, was found by three men and brought to us. During the night he had fallen into a brook^[425] and all the clothing on his body and even his limbs were frozen almost solid, so that we feared he would lose his hands and feet. His strong constitution pulled him through, however.^[426] But the assistant surgeon did not regain the use of his eyes until eight days after.

Another time, April 5, believing that we were forecasting the weather better,^[427] Mr. Plenisner, I, my cossack, and the Captain Commander’s servant went^[428] hunting, as we were out of meat, the weather being most pleasant and sunshiny. As soon as we reached the beach we killed as many otters as we could carry and seated ourselves near a cliff around a camp fire in order to pass the night. Before we knew it, the same storm [i.e. as on April 1, viz. from NW] rose towards midnight and brought so much snow that we should have been covered in a short time had we not constantly run to and fro and given each other no rest. In the morning, after we had been searching long in vain for a crevice or other refuge and were already quite desperate, the cossack succeeded finally in finding in a cliff a very wide and spacious cave, which apparently had been caused by a great earthquake.^[429] Loaded with wood and meat we made ourselves at home there and found a safe refuge against all snow and wind which in the future could be of great use in similar cases. We found there not only room enough but also a side cave,^[430] in which we could keep our supplies safe from the thievish^[431] foxes, and even a chimney formed by Nature, through which the smoke found an outlet through the cracks in the rock, without in the least annoying us in our quarters, which became properly heated from the fire.^[432] Here we spent, with hearts very thankful to Providence,^[433] three days in hunting^[434] and resting alternately, and returned on the fourth with much booty and good news to our people, who were already fearing that we would never appear again. The cave, as well as the bay, was afterwards named for me.^[435] At our first entrance into this cave we found many foxes in it; they retreated into a crevice in the rock through which afterwards the smoke passed from the fire we made so that there started among them such a sneezing and spitting that we had enough to laugh at. At night, however, they gave us no rest, as they pulled off the cap first of one and then of another and performed other tricks.^[436]

A few days before us the assistant navigator Yushin had gone hunting with our only ship’s carpenter, who had undertaken to build alone a new vessel from the wreck and on whom consequently rested all hope of our delivery, and three other persons. When they, too, were forced by a storm to seek a crevice for shelter and found one close to the water, it happened that they were kept imprisoned there by the high tide for seven days, without provisions and wood, and only returned on the ninth day, at which time we had believed them either drowned or crushed to death by snow dashing down from the mountains.

When we came home on April 8 we were greeted by the glad news that this person,^[437] so indispensable to us, had made his appearance again, and furthermore that the boatswain^[438] had come back on April 6 with the information that we were really on an island and that they thought they had seen high mountains in the northeast. According to the latitude in which we were, I am of the opinion that these must not be regarded as a part of America but as another island^[P23] unknown in Kamchatka.^[439]

Since, according to this, there seemed to be no other way to get away from here and to reach Kamchatka, in default of any forest, than to break up the old vessel and build a smaller one from it, such a decision^[440] was taken in a council held on April 9 and the following arrangement was made, which was to remain in force from the date when the breaking up should begin until the building of the new vessel should be completed: (1) that the twelve men skilled in the use of the ax should work continuously on the carpenter work; (2) that the others, with the exception only of the two officers and myself, should hunt and work in such a manner that, when one party returned home from the hunt, though indeed having a day for rest, they should nevertheless also attend to the housework and afterwards mend clothing and shoes but on the third and following days they should assist with the work on the vessel, until their turn to hunt came around again; (3) that all meat should be brought to one place and every morning a petty officer should distribute to the cooks of each party their share, so that the carpenters might not suffer want.

After this had been unanimously agreed to and signed, the first preparations were already started on the next day. Everything was taken out of the vessel, and the materials were brought together in one place on the beach; grindstones were dressed and placed in troughs, tools were cleaned of rust and sharpened, a smithy erected, crowbars, iron wedges, and large hammers forged, wood gathered, and charcoal made. This last work was arduous and caused most of the delay.

While many difficulties were expected because the hunting was so far off, since the animals were already frightened away by us for a distance of eighteen to twenty versts, our courage was nevertheless unexpectedly again raised by the following dispensation: on April 18 and 19, namely, two sea bears [fur seals] were killed, each of which, including meat and fat, weighed at least 20 poods, two or three being apparently sufficient to support the command for a whole week. Likewise, since the migrations of these animals, as observed from the coast of Kamchatka, were well known to us, there was hope, which was also soon realized, that more of these animals would shortly follow.^[441]

A quite fresh whale caused us still more encouragement and comfort, having been thrown ashore at Kozlovo Pole,^[442] five versts to the west of our dwellings, on April 20, the day before we began to break up the old vessel. It was 15 fathoms long, and in two days we collected so much blubber and oil from it that at our departure a few barrels thereof were left behind.^[443]

During the whole of May and half of the month of June we lived on the meat of the young and female sea bears which are much more tender to eat.

On May 5^[444] by erecting the sternpost and the stem on the keel the start was made on our vessel and our future deliverance. Lieutenant Waxel thereupon invited all and everybody to him and, in default of other drinks, treated us to Mongolian saturan,^[445] or tea soup, which is prepared with flour and butter, at which, with many wishes and longings, we enjoyed ourselves fairly well. The pleasant spring weather brought us still other advantages, besides the mild air, for, after the snow had thawed, we discovered here and there on the beach so much wood that we felt quite encouraged with regard to the charcoal necessary for the work in the smithy. We furthermore obtained many edible and palatable herbs and roots, which, besides being a change, served as medicine for our emaciated bodies.^[446]

On May 11 and the following days not only did the snow begin to thaw rapidly, but the steady rains that came with southeast winds caused, in addition, such high water that the creeks overflowed so much that we could scarcely remain in our underground homes, which had one or even two feet of water in them. This influenced us after the rain ceased to abandon the winter huts and build summer homes above ground.^[447] In the meantime the building of the vessel was likewise delayed for some days, but afterwards it was resumed with increased zeal, the more so because of the headway^[448] made in the breaking up of the ship, which in the beginning we had almost despaired of being able to accomplish, as the vessel was new and very well built while we were almost without tools.^[449] The building of the new vessel made equally good progress daily, and the eagerness to work rose with hope, so that soon there was no doubt that we should be able to start for Kamchatka in the month of August.^[450] In order still more to accelerate the work, a beginning was made to facilitate the victualing of the crew by catching the sea cows in the neighborhood, in order to have that much more time and help for building the ship and in order to spare the men, who were already pretty destitute of shoes and clothes, the hard road over the mountains.^[451] This chase, so profitable to us, I have recounted in detail in the description of Bering Island.^[P24][452]

As the work thus could be advanced more and more^[453] and as the constant efforts and encouragement by Lieutenant Waxel raised the spirit of the men, it came to pass^[454] that in the month of July the vessel, 36 feet long at the keel and 42 feet from stem to stern,^[455] stood ready on the stocks as far as the hull was concerned. The remaining time until August 13 was consumed in making rigging, trying out tar from old ropes,^[456] and finally also in building ways for launching the vessel. This last caused us great trouble since we were so poorly provided with timber and other material. The wood^[457] was hauled from the farthest parts of the shore; their stability [i.e. of the ways] was secured by placing the cannons on them. In the meantime some built a magazine in which to store the materials to be left behind; others were occupied in erecting an oven and in baking biscuits for the voyage; some overhauled the casks which had to be bound for the voyage with iron hoops and ropes;^[458] some examined the bottom of the bay;^[459] and altogether there was no one who wanted to be idle, because everyone was exceedingly anxious for deliverance from this desert island.^[460]

As on August 8 all was in order and ready for the voyage, a public prayer was offered up in the afternoon, in which we prayed to God for a successful launching of the vessel, which we dedicated to the apostle St. Peter and named after him. Whereupon everybody lent a hand to the launching. To our great consternation the weight of the ship pressed down the too low foundation and she stuck during the launching. However, we lifted her up with jacks, retrieved the error by placing some planks under her, and thus got her off the land. But by that time the high water had already receded, and only on the following day at the next flood could she be completely floated into the sea.

After this, we worked day and night. On the 11th the mast was set and made fast with its shrouds. Water and provisions were next brought on board, and lastly everybody’s baggage, a limited amount only being allowed each person.^[461] In the meanwhile the carpenters were still at work on a small boat which could be placed on deck.^[462] Our supplies consisted of twenty-five poods of rye flour, five barrels of salted sea cow, or manati, meat, two poods of peas, and a barrel of salt beef that in spite of all our want had nevertheless been saved for the home voyage. Each man was handed, in addition, four pounds of butter; and most of the men, who had managed economically, were able to bake for themselves from the stores they had saved up perhaps half a pood of biscuit for the trip; those, however, who could not do this provided themselves with dried manati meat.^[463]

On August 13 all left their huts with much inner emotion and went on board the vessel, which was going either to bring us back to our country or to decide our fate in some manner or another.^[464] When we were all together on the vessel we realized for the first time how cramped the quarters were and what a hard voyage it would be on that account; we were lying one on the other and crawled over each other. Lieutenant Waxel, Master Khitrov, I, and the son of the Lieutenant had, after all, the best place, in the cabin. The other forty-two men were lying in the hold, which was crammed so full with water casks, supplies, and baggage that the people could hardly lie down between them and the deck. As the crew was divided into three watches, two places were assigned to three men. However, as the space was still too narrow, we began to throw into the sea pillows, bedding, and clothing, which had been brought from land.^[465] Meanwhile we watched the foxes on shore ransacking our dwellings^[466] with the greatest glee and activity and sharing among themselves what was left of fat and meat.

In the morning of August 14^[467] the support of the Almighty was invoked in a special prayer for a good voyage, whereupon the anchors were weighed. Because the west wind helped us to pass the eastern^[468] point of the island, it was decided, although the mouth of the Kamchatka River was twice as near and our ship hardly in condition to withstand an autumn storm, nevertheless to set a direct course for Avacha Bay. With a light wind we made such progress that in the afternoon we were in the strait between Bering Island and the island five versts^[469] opposite to the east and parallel with it, and by evening we had reached the southeastern end of our island. This day^[470] was enjoyed very much, as in the clear and pleasant weather we coasted along the island, on which we knew every mountain and valley which with much toil we had climbed so often in search of food or on some other reconnaissance and to which we had given names from various circumstances.^[471] Late in the evening we had come, God be praised, so far that we were opposite the extreme point of the island.

On Sunday, the 15th, the wind was light during the forenoon, and the southern side of the island was still in sight. Towards evening the wind increased in force, and, after we had cut adrift the large ship’s yawl^[472] that had till now done us so much service but which was now hindering the progress of our vessel, the island was lost entirely from view. The wind and weather being very favorable, we now continued on the course towards Avacha west by south. However, towards midnight we were suddenly frightened in the extreme, because the ship began filling with water from an unknown leak. Owing to the cramped space and full-loaded condition of the vessel it was very difficult to locate the leak quickly. The pumps, since it had been forgotten to place kettles [strainers?] under them, were soon clogged up with chips which had been left in the hold, and with each minute the danger became greater, as the wind was high and our craft was not too strongly built. Under these circumstances the sails were shortened at once; some moved baggage out of the way in order to look for the leak, others bailed out the water with kettles without stopping, and still others threw into the sea the cannon balls and grapeshot which we had taken with us from shore. To our great good fortune the carpenter, after the ship had been lightened, succeeded in locating the leak, by conjecture, below^[473] the water line and plugged it up, so that we were saved this time also from the danger of foundering. Warned by this accident steps were taken to correct the defect and to set kettles [strainers?] under the pumps in the bilge. The leak, however, was really due to the straining of the frame by the action of the jacks while lifting the ship at the launching.^[474]

On August 16 we continued on the same course. Early on Tuesday, the 17th,^[475] we suddenly caught sight of the mainland of Kamchatka. We made it just in the neighborhood of Cape Kronotski and on account of the thick and foggy weather did not see it until we were about a mile^[476] from shore. Nevertheless, the decision to go to the port [Avacha], from which we were yet 30 miles away, was adhered to. However, as under the lee of Kamchatka we had either complete calm or head winds the whole time, we spent nine days more in tacking, until at last, on the 26th of August, in the night, we arrived at the entrance of the bay [of Avacha], after having used the oars for twenty-four hours without a break, and on the 27th, in the evening, in the long desired harbor [of St. Peter and St. Paul] itself.^[477]

Great as was the joy of everybody over our deliverance and safe arrival, nevertheless the news^[478] which we received from a Kamchadal^[479] at the very entrance caused a much greater excitement.^[480] We had been regarded by everybody as dead or lost; the property which we had left behind had fallen into the hands of strangers and had mostly been carried away. Therefore, in a few seconds joy turned to anxiety in the hearts of all of us.^[481] However, we were all by this time so much used to misery and sorrow that, instead of looking forward anew, we only thought of continuing the old life and regarded the present circumstances as in a dream.

Fig. 22—The harbor of Petropavlovsk seen from the north. Beyond the lagoon in the foreground lies the harbor, enclosed between the land-tied island in the middle distance and the slopes on which the town is built. The spit seen between the two divides the harbor into an inner and outer part. Cf. also with Vol. 1, Figs. 7 and 8. (Photo by N. A. Transehe.)

Fig. 23—The monument to Bering in Petropavlovsk. The monument is in the town itself, near the New Church. The Old Church is seen in the background. (Sketch by L. Stejneger, Oct. 11, 1883.)

The next day, after we had heartily thanked Almighty God in a common prayer for^[482] our wonderful preservation and safe return to Asia,^[483] the naval officers decided still to proceed to Okhotsk this autumn. I, however, took leave of them and made myself ready to travel the 30 miles to Bolsheretsk Post^[484] on foot, in order to get to my own people,^[485] arriving there safely on September 5 and joining in the celebration of the august name day^[486] of our most gracious monarchess. A few weeks later we received in Bolsheretsk the news that the ship, after starting for Okhotsk, had, because of contrary and heavy winds, put back to the harbor.^[487] Meanwhile, the news of our return when received at Bolsheretsk was not forwarded, owing to the negligence of the commander, through the galiot Okhotsk, then just ready to sail,^[488] although she did not leave until three days after the receipt of the news.^[489] In this way we were consequently regarded at headquarters as dead for eight months longer.^[490]

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Fig. 11 Pallas uses the German “Dolch,” dagger, as an equivalent. The word palma seems to be of Tungus origin (see M. A. Czaplicka: Aboriginal Siberia: A Study in Social Anthropology, Oxford, 1914, p. 360), signifying “a long knife with a wooden handle.” In R. Maak’s “Vilyuiskii okrug Yakutskoi oblasti,” St. Petersburg, 1887, Vol. 3, p. xvi, it is stated that the palma, or batas, as it is also called, is a large knife, distinguished by its long handle, used by the Tungus in bear hunting. An illustration is given (op. cit., Pl. 9, Fig. 14) one-tenth natural size, which would make the handle of the specimen figured about 17 inches and the blade about 11 inches. A copy of this illustration is presented herewith (Fig. 11). The palma with which Steller, when first landing on Bering Island, killed a large number of blue foxes (see, below, footnote 343) is obviously the same as that he used on Kayak Island. According to Admiral Ferdinand von Wrangell (Expedition to the Polar Sea, New York, 1841, p. 167) the Kolyma Yakuts also used the word pal’ma for their large hunting knife. I am under obligation to Dr. T. Michelson of the Bureau of American Ethnology for having put me on the track of the references in the first paragraph. (S)