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In returning our sincere thanks to those who have favoured us with their correspondence during the past year, it becomes at the same time a necessary duty in us to apologize for the non-admission in this work of some Communications, and first to our worthy brother and companion, R. A. M.

If this periodical Publication, were either supported or encouraged principally by the fraternity, the Brothers might expect often to find in it every thing that any ways might tend to the advantage or instruction of their Order. But far from this being the case the greatest part of the small number of friends from whom we receive encouragement take very little interest in the concerns of Free masonry. We may say more, we have already been reproached with introducing in our pages too many subjects of a serious and dry nature. That of masonry is certainly one of those particularly obnoxious in this Province. A Free-mason is excluded from participating in the Sacraments of the Church. He cannot marry without renouncing his masonic connexion. The approach of the Confessional box is interdicted to him. Does he lay on a sick bed and wish for those rites without the performance of which he has been taught none can be admitted in Heaven, they are refused to him unless he makes a formal renunciation of his masonic errors. How far this refusal of Sacraments be legal and authorised for such cause as this, in a country wherein no one can be deemed guilty but after a fair trial followed by conviction and ruled by a Sovereign who glories in the name of the Patron of the order, is left to the decision of abler practitioners in these doctrines than we are. We shall therefore conclude this address to R. A. M. by assuring him that we approve his scheme and by suggesting the propriety of submitting it to the masonic authorities.

Previous however dismissing entirely this subject, we would observe that formerly and we suppose it to be as yet the case, the Bishops, Archbishops or Grand Penitentiaries granted licence to some Ecclesiastics to read those works in which morality and decency were grossly violated or directed against religion and the Divinity itself, that they might oppose their pernicious effects either by prohibiting their reading to their flocks or by refuting their doctrines. Now, methinks that it would be more consonant with the rules of common Justice and more subservient to the command of the founder of our divine religion “Judge not that thou mayest not be judged,” if the Bishops, Archbishops or Grand Penitentiaries, previous to persecuting, for the refusal of Sacraments amounts to a persecution, if previous to persecuting the Free-masons of this Country, these Heads of the Church would fairly investigate how far this fraternity be deserving of their censure and anathemas. Why should they not, seeing that so many respectable and even high characters belong to it; why should they not authorise one of their order to be admitted into our mysteries. We believe, and that most sincerely, that no Free-mason would hesitate to relieve him from all and every obligation he might have entered into at his initiation, if he could discover any the least deviation from the strictest morality, from religious duties, from social ties; if, on the contrary, he should not find that all the obligations, constantly recommended and enforced at our meetings do not tend to the rigorous observance of all those duties prescribed by religion, morality and social good order. Masons however, are neither more nor less than other men, and if individuals amongst them do not strictly adhere to their special and voluntary obligations they have this in common with other individuals of whatever description they might be. But enough of this subject and let us pass to another of our Correspondents whose signature we cannot discover and whom we shall therefore address under the designation of Mardochai and Susann.

Referring him to the introductory address to the Public in the first No. of this Publication he will find there the most positive obligation entered into by the Editors never to introduce in their sheets any thing that could occasion the least Supercoloration of the already rosy cheeks of our fair readers; any thing that might alarm that most amiable ornament of a sex to whom the furrows of time forbid us the hope to please any more, but whose esteem we have not yet renounced and for which we shall preserve until the extinction of our breath the most affectionate regard and respectful devotion; any thing we say, that might alarm Pudor, shall cautiously be avoided by us; and nothing would be more grievous to our feelings than to see a chaste matron indignantly spurn and throw our lucubrations into the fire as unworthy of being perused by her fair daughters. We do not say that the communications alluded to are effectively and positively indecent, but they might appear so to scrupulous minds and we do respect even that which we may consider as prejudices of so delicate a nature as this. It is therefore on that principle that we have omitted to insert in this miscellany the communications alluded to. Another cause of non-admission is individual praises. We should be proud to deserve them: we even court them by our exertions to please. But we can make a distinction between just and merited applause and commendations which might be looked upon as coming from ourselves, under the disguise of a stranger, or as being solicited or extorted from the partiality of friendship.

C. D. E.

Continued from page 117.

I have said that out of the Parliament of Paris issued the first voice that called for a convocation of the general States. That voice was that of a certain Counsellor of the Parliament of the name of d’Epresmenil. To a superiority of real talents, of fortune and of reputation as to character over Mirabeau, the former added that daring spirit which might have rendered him a dangerous rival to the latter in regard to popularity, had they been both placed in the same circumstances. Mirabeau, as already observed, was almost insulated, and therefore had no restraining motive of actions; on the contrary his sole dependence was on himself alone and neck or nothing was his motto. It was not the same with d’Epresmenil. He occupied a distinguished rank in society, he enjoyed a competent fortune to maintain his dignity, he belonged to a powerful body whose spirit he had imbibed and whose support he had a right to expect, so long as he should not descend from his station to put himself on a level with the mob. These considerations added to individual pride were powerful restraints on the means of gratifying an ambition no ways inferior to any, and whilst Mirabeau depended on his own talents, Egalité on his riches, and Necker on the support of the learned and literary characters and on his persuasion that nothing could be done without him, d’Epresmenil relied on the increase of the influence of the body whereof he was a member for his personal advancement, and he expected that increase of influence from the measures he called for and which secured to him for a while a high degree of popularity. In this however he was sadly mistaken, for the Parliament’s influence was the first that yielded to the popular one, and he was one of the first who after having fruitlessly exerted his lungs and his talents to keep it up in the motley hall, called the National Assembly, withdrew from it and sought in England a shelter against the dangers which his primeval conspicuousness had drawn upon him. Being once in company with him at the lodgings of the Marquis d’Hermigny I heard him say to the very Counsellor Clerk of the Parliament of Paris who had been the first to join in the call for the meeting of the General States; “had Louis the XVI caused then your head that of Egalité and mine to be cut off, as he ought to have done and as we highly deserved, he would have preserved his own and the Crown upon it.” Such were the first conspirators, not against monarchy however; far from it, its conservation was essential for the attainment of their end; but their object was to new model the French one and to secure their own station in the new state of things. But the task was not so easy to perform as they thought. The ferment already begun was by them too far encouraged and produced the same effect which is seen in every effervescence. The dregs in dissolution are in disorderly motion. They ascend and descend in succession. Some rising too high are thrown out, others remain within bounds and keep floating in the liquors, whilst others fall again and resume their proper station at the bottom. And thus we have a true image of the French revolution.

In a work like this a strict adherence to chronological regularity cannot be expected nor required. I write from reminiscence only, notes taken by me at the time I am speaking of have been lost in a shipwreck which will be related in its proper place. Besides it is my own life which I have promised and not the history of my times, and I have announced that it was the frame in which I intended to introduce my own opinions and the reflections that events such as present themselves to my memory may suggest. After, therefore, having brought upon the stage some of the most conspicuous characters of the times and circumstances here under review, let it be permitted me to revert for a moment to myself, and to ask what were then my individual and political opinions?

I was then arrived to that age that substitutes rational and manly pursuits to the exclusive allurements of pleasure. I had been absent from France for more than ten years, more than one I had spent at different times in England, about two in Holland and the rest in Prussia. I have already said that my youthful days were rather dedicated to pleasure and to the avocations of my situations than to the study of man and of his motives of actions. I sincerely loved man, in which woman too is included and not for a small share. In my two first residences in London which were in the greatest heat of the American war^[1] I was intimately acquainted with the respectable family of the three Brothers Sharp, with Dr. John Jebb and with the celebrated Thos. Holcroft. Too young then to have adopted fixed political principles it is natural to believe that the persons with whom I then associated must have made a certain degree of impression on the then blank and very soft surface of my mind. It is however true that a certain measure of loyalty counteracted powerfully the depth of the worst fears that came of its baneful effects. There remained on it nothing else but a notion that mankind in general was not so happy as they could be, and that the obstacle to their happiness existed not in the ruler, but in their subordinate agents. The alluring rights of man often set down before me did not meet with my admiration, but I had a kind of glimmering that that word right was too indefinite to express the exact relation between man and man in society, and that there must be some more proper to convey the just idea of that relation. I recurred to the gospel often mentioned by my friends; I read in it “Do to others that which you would be done by,” and Heavenly philanthropy took possession of my soul. From that moment the word right was expunged from my dictionary and that of duty was substituted for it. Indeed the right of every one cannot be maintained but by the strict adherence to duty on the part of all. The conclusion was very easy. Trace exactly the duty of all, enforce the performance of that duty and the rights of no one will be infringed. Such is the end and the object of that which is called a Constitution and such, on studying it, the English Constitution appeared to me. I studied it not only in its practical part as described by Blackstone and Delolme, but also and more particularly in history. There I found its rise, its progress, its struggles and the completion of its harmony. I studied it in the speeches of the Senators and in the virulence of pamphleteers. At first I startled at the constant and violent attacks directed against it, but my fears soon gave room to my admiration, when I saw the cool contempt with which it reviewed those repeated assaults, sure that it was that it had sufficient power to repress those attempts when carried to a dangerous height.

It is apt in the abstraction of theoretical reasonings that we must look for appreciating the advantages or disadvantages of forms of Governments, but this appreciation must be founded on facts. Now the history of England presents a succession of almost all forms of Government. Absolute Monarchy with its possible concomitant despotism and even tyranny. Papal power supported by the power of religious opinions and prejudices, the most formidable of all; Oligarchy of birth and fortune; in fine Democracy. We find also that none of these forms had any stability for that reason that they were always counteracted by this mixture of nominal representation at all times ready to side with the then ruling power. Now, when was the country the most prosperous? was it under the dominion of those weak princes governed themselves by minions or priests, humbling themselves before or flagellated by some Roman or English cardinal; paying homage on their knees for a kingdom theirs by inheritance and rendering it tributary to a foreign Prince; signing their degradation from a power which they pretended was derived from God and putting themselves voluntarily under the tutelage of proud and rebellious Barons? Was it under the tyrannical Oligarchy of these, or under the no less oppressive democracy of covenanters and Rump Parliaments? Or was it under those princes such as the first William and some of the Edwards and of the Henrys, who knew how to support and maintain their authority, or under a Cromwell freeing himself of the fetters of a mock representation and assuming the whole of the powers under the humble title of Protector; an Elizabeth uniting the masculine virtues of our sex to the weaknesses of hers; a William of Orange disdaining a Sceptre if it was to be held as Proxy? The solution of these queries are too evident to need to carry them farther or to dwell on them any longer.

To be continued.

Our brother Editors of weekly sheets, have already given an account of the festivities by which that event was celebrated in this City of Quebec, and therefore we will abstain from any repetition of the banquet including the toasts and the fine works of the Monday, of the Tuesday’s ball, and of the feu de joie and illumination of the Wednesday, which last eve we must confess had surpassed our expectation. We did not, it is true, admire the display of magnificence in any single portion of it, but on the other side our feelings were not hurt by the contrast of poor farthing lights exhibiting altogether the wretchedness of the indwellers and their wish even at the expence, maybe of half a meal, of manifesting their loyalty no less forcibly than millions of dazzling coloured lamps and costly transparencies could have done. There reigned the whole town over, from the residence of our Sovereign Representative to the dwelling of the humble mechanic, a chaste uniformity distinguished by the elegant simplicity displayed in every window from top to bottom, and we do affirm that the brilliancy resulting from that uniformity, and varied simplicity and universality was never surpassed, if equalled, at least as to its effect, by the most splendid illuminations we have ever witnessed on the most remarkable events.

But the occurrences of those days of public rejoicings have been passed over without any notice, although in our humble opinion, they were certainly worth recording, as being highly creditable to the citizens of a city so populous as this. We mean the extraordinary good order that has reigned during those three days, which in many other places would have been characterized by riot and drunkenness. It will be hardly credited that many thousands of human beings of all classes, conditions, age and profession, being crowded together on the square before the Chateau from six o’clock till half past eight, anxiously waiting for the display of the fire works never for a single moment gave the least sign of impatience. We were present almost the whole time, and it was with astonishment that we did not even hear the shrill tone of a Catcall, and the stillness which reigned almost constantly among the multitude was only from time to time interrupted by the report of some crackers and of some pistols fired by boys. We confess with the Editor of a Newspaper that this firing was an infraction of the rules of police, but we must add that there are circumstances in which such petty infractions of petty laws must be looked over, for fear that too much severity might lead to more serious mischiefs than could result from the firing of crackers and pistols. Weak and debilitated must be the nervous system which could be hurt by these innocent amusements. To those sensitive beings we would advise to remain quiet and snug at home on such occasions, for it is to be hoped that the very wise recommendations to the peace officers mixed with the crowd, to be rather too cautious in their interference than to make too lightly a wanton display of their authority, will on every such festivities be renewed.

The evening of the illumination was not less conspicuous in regard to good order and tranquillity. To behold the streets for two or three hours at night filled with almost the whole of the population of the city, to witness a motley crowd composed of military and civilians, of English and Canadians, of old and young, of high and low, crossing and recrossing each other without giving or receiving any offence would almost start credulity itself. It seemed as if the sense of loyalty had absorbed every other motive of action, and driven away the deepest rooted prejudices; one would have thought that one single soul animated the multitude.

In fine, it is with a kind of pride that we mention, that, with the exception of two or three drunken persons found fast asleep in the streets and whom the watch picked up in the middle of the night and carried to the gaol, as the safest shelter for them, and who were relieved the next morning, not one single complaint was lodged at the Police office the days following those public festivities. Would to God that the like harmony, good will and loyalty were always swaying in this country. The most incalculable benefits would be the result of it.

From the festivities occasioned by the Coronation the transition to the august personage who was its object is easy and natural. And why should we not oppose our feeble voice to the vociferations of disaffection and calumny? Why should we not try to counteract the venom of disloyalty? Were a single individual only preserved from its baneful effects by our exertions, we should feel ourselves amply rewarded. Is then the task so difficult? not indeed! It is sufficient to speak the language of truth and merely relate facts to support the position, that never a Diadem adorned the head of a more magnanimous Prince than that of our most gracious Sovereign George IV.

It is true no crown of laurel encircles his brows; his purple robes are not dyed with human blood: but for why? He was never in the warrior’s place and we dare to assert that had he been at the head of armies, he would not have remained behind any of the greatest heroes of his age. But are military virtues the only ones that constitute the heroism of a Prince? Such might have been a position maintainable several centuries back; but at an era which boast of a superiority of enlightened notions and which is called the philosophic by pre-eminence, there would be such a contradiction between the principle and the practice that would baffle reasoning and confound the reasoner. What would become of the famous aphorism so often repeated of late that he who causes a blade of grass to grow that was unknown before, deserves more of mankind than the conqueror who adds Provinces to the extent of territory already possessed. For our part we do not withdraw our admiration from military heroic deeds, but we think that there are other acts of heroism no less deserving of our praises and estimation; and such we find in the life of our magnanimous Monarch, a short view of that of this Prince will support this our assertion and maintain our epithet of magnanimous.

We perceive the Sarcastic and malicious smile of the snarler who happens to read this. In a tone of exultation he will exclaim “witness his younger days with a vengeance.” Stop poor man, and before you assume the right of exulting, answer fairly to this simple question: Can you take upon yourself to assert, that placed in the same situation, you would have been more guarded? A Prince is born with the same propensities which fall to the share of other men. The same passions stimulate him; he feels the keenness of the same appetites; so far he is on a level with the rest of his fellow creatures. But go a step farther; add to the temptations, common to all, the ample means of gratification that are within the reach of the heir apparent to a throne; add to this the personal qualifications so highly possessed by our Prince; add to this the crowd of flatterers, adulators, sycophants and obsequious dependents whose interest is to encourage indulgence and enjoyment; add, in fine, all the allurements and snares that are constantly laid in his way and tell us frankly, whether such a youth ought not to be endowed with supernatural powers to be able to resist; and consequently whether he is more intitled to indulgence than open to the severity of censure.

From this it might appear that we take as proved all the deviations from mere morality laid at the door of the Prince; but far be it from us to entertain that idea. We dare on the contrary affirm that their number as well as their nature have been exaggerated and grossly misrepresented. Here is again one of those peculiarities attending the great. Always surrounded by a great number of persons who profess the most unbounded devotion to him, yet unexperienced, he looks upon them as his bosom friends and as such not only his actions but even his very thoughts are entrusted to them. He makes them the companions of his youthful frolics and they impelled by the vanity of publishing their intimacy with the great man, relate perhaps with amplification the particulars of scenes that ought never to have been divulged. Then we all know how such tales rapidly encrease in bulk and circumstances on passing from mouth to mouth, and thus that youthful frolic that would hardly have been noticed from a private individual acquires a degree of importance and of aggravation calling for public censure.

These pretended friends, who may very well be ranked among those whom Sheridan calls “d—— n good friends,” are not the only propagators of the actions of a great man. His servants and mentors always prone to pry in the conduct of those whose bread they eat, are in fact nothing else but spies who from a malignity, too often natural in dependents, always delight, not in divulging goodness but in disseminating frailties and quirks certainly if not justifiable, at least excusable in the prime of life, with all the rancour and malice of envy. Very few, perhaps, of those who may happen to read these lines, could conscientiously affirm that they are altogether free of similar deviation from strict morality, at that age when passions yet forcibly rule and when pleasure is the principal pursuit. We will therefore leave the youthful days of our Beloved Sovereign to be scrutinized with candour recreation, and pass to his more mature years.

To be continued.

CONSIDERED.

WITH A VIEW TO THE RECOMMENDATION OF A BETTER SYSTEM.

Continued from page 124.

Having now considered the principal causes of the great loss of produce arising to the Province, the one, occasioned by the defective and exhausting mode of husbandry practised since the first settlement; and, the other, by a deficiency of the most important ingredient in soils, over a great part of the country; and having pointed out what I believe to be the surest remedies for these defects, I shall conclude this part of the subject with observing, that the first of these causes of deterioration which it would be advisable to remove will present itself to the sagacity of well informed land-holders by the nature of things in each Parish: Where manures can be immediately got, the desired improvements would doubtless begin with root, grass and corn crops by rotation, on the lands hitherto suffered to lay unproductive “en friche,” and an immediate benefit would thereby not only be done to the lands, by greatly increasing the subsequent crops of corn, but the rearing of a quantity of cattle probably in a few years more than required for the markets of the Province, would be the good effect, when this practice should become much followed, as has been found, wherever these rotation crops, and the other advantages of modern agriculture have been introduced. The wealth then, that must ensue to the country by the addition of these discoveries would naturally tend to induce the farmers or land owners to being the other method of repairing and strengthening the old and worn lands, viz. by an additional proportion of clay, &c. to their soils.

On the other hand, if it be difficult immediately to procure sufficient manures, by the land holders and farmers in the distant Parishes, they might commence the improvements by claying their uplands, when found too sandy, and, by forming compost heaps with some cattle manure, Terre Noir, &c. which composts, if managed according to the practice of modern agriculture, would be found to increase the quantity of manure two to five fold. Indeed if I recollect right, the Letters of Agricola lately published, propose modes to increase the manure ten fold. These letters will I trust, shortly be translated in this Province, and will probably render the art of preparing composts plain and interesting to the Canadian farmer.

In order, however, that no delay may take place to such intelligent, active and public spirited Landholders as may take the lead in these improvements, as an example for the advancement of their Country, I subjoin an extract explaining the nature of the approved composts of Lord Meadowbanks, and shall add some observations on the Terre Noir, as applicable in case of mosses not being procurable in this country.

“The Edinburgh Review in the article of the Genl. Report of the agriculture of Scotland, says of compost heaps there is none that can be prepared at a smaller expence throughout the greater part of Scotland, nor any that increases the fertility of a soil in a greater degree than what is known by the name of Lord Meadowbanks’ compost, formed of an alternate strata of farm-yard dung and peat moss, in the proportion of one part of the former, and two, or even three of the latter. By this method the home made manure of all farms at a moderate distance from Peat moss may be at least doubled, and in our own experience it has scarcely been possible to distinguish between the efficacy of this compost when properly prepared, and that of an equal quantity of farm-yard dung.”

As to the Terre Noir, it is found in most low marshy places in this country, and judging by its appearance and the places where it is found, it must be the residue of decayed, and partly decomposed vegetables and trees, and as it is probable the principles of vegetable life are not yet destroyed by this partial decomposition, it is likely to be impregnated with great powers of vegetation, which require only to be properly brought into action, according to the practice of agricultural chemistry, to exhibit themselves. The trials I have heard of being made with it by Habitant farmers and others, even in its crude state, all confirm this opinion, and I have little doubt if heaped in alternate strata with earth or clay, lime and some cattle manure, and brought to a proper degree of fermentation &c. it would form a good and rich compost, which (should mosses not be found enough in this country) would I trust answer nigh equally well as cattle manure for turnip, potatoes or other green crops.

The Terre Noir is said by some to be of a cold nature, which is owing to its containing acid, or acids of vegetation, but these would be neutralized by the lime or changed by the further fermentation in the heaps, into fertile principles.

I have gone thus at length into the past and present state of the agriculture of the Province, because being the country of my birth, I wish to remove what I think is a reproach to it, that having such resources bestowed on it by the bountiful hand of nature it should be yet dependent on a foreign nation for some of the most important, because the most nutritive articles of food. A great part of its lands appear to be nigh exhausted, and are annually retrograding by the mode of husbandry hitherto followed, as will be seen by a comparison of their produce with those of other countries. Ten or fifteen minots per arpent appear to me to be about the highest and lowest averages of wheat, produced in that part of the Province below Quebec, and about twenty leagues above it. In Great Britain, thirty to forty bushels per acre, are I believe not uncommon, and in a late account of prizes given by an agricultural Society at Oneida, fifty-one bushels per acre received the prize!

And it seems to me the duty of every man, who is possessed of the knowledge of the discoveries lately made in agricultural chemistry, and in agriculture, and who has a wish to extend their beneficial tendency to increase the plenty which follows their adoption, to employ what talents he may have, in promoting it. For myself, feeling an impulsive desire to advance the agriculture of my country, as being eminently connected with its prosperity, I shall continue my endeavours as long as it shall please the All-powerful Being, who has implanted in minds that aim to follow the path of His will, the wish to extend the comforts and enjoyments of the society to which they belong.

B. N. A.

Napoleon Bounaparte.

“Is this the man that made the earth to tremble, that did shake kingdoms.” 14 Chapt. Isaiah, 16 Verse.

Among the many illustrious characters that former ages have produced, none hold a more pre-eminent place, than Napoleon Bounaparte. His abilities as a general, his bravery as a soldier; but above all his great rise, and extraordinary success in arms, during a great portion of his life, and the brutal ferocity of his disposition, which he evinced in deeds as sanguinary as those of a Nero, a Caligula or Domitian’s, all conspire to render him a conspicuous figure in the annals of the world. On whatsoever side we view the character of this remarkable man, we see him still the tyrant. Ambition was the leading feature of his soul, and on its shrine he sacrificed honour, justice and humanity. An enemy to all religion except when it could forward his aspiring views, he lived in the world as if unmindful that there was a God, or that he should have to render an account of his actions, at the tribunal of an avenging Judge. That he was a man who suffered no difficulties to oppose, or dangers to prevent the execution of the plans he had premeditated, his bold and decisive actions fully evince. To gratify the aspirings of his inordinate ambition, and his thirst after conquest, “the Alps, the Pyrenees sunk before him.” Like Alexander he wished to be master of the world, but unfortunately for him, though fortunately for mankind, his ambitious career was fully stopt at the field of Waterloo. He furnishes us with a striking instance of the instability of all earthly glory, and from his life may be drawn many a useful lesson of morality. The lines which Johnston applied to Charles of Sweden, may with great propriety be addressed to him;

He to whose designs the world was hardly a sufficient boundary, he who wished to subdue all nations, and make them bend under his despotic yoke, he who wished to be the undisputed monarch of the universe, was at last compelled to inhabit a small island of the Atlantic, and to bid adieu for ever to ambition, and dominion. He who had imposed laws, and was accustomed to place shackles upon others, could not brook to be tied down to the narrow precincts of St. Helena, he sickened, and died, and has left a name tarnished by deeds of rapine, cruelty, injustice, and oppression, with hardly one virtue, by which the future historian, may throw a shade over his many vices.

A. Z.

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As the following lines have already appeared in Print in England, and related to facts well known of the printer of this Work, they need no apology for insertion here.

To Mr. Shadgett,

Author of several popular Essays.—The opponent of Cobbett, Wooler, Sherwin, Hone, Carlile, Pain and other Jacobinical Deistical and Infidel writers of the eighteenth Century.—Late Editor of the Weekly Review.

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Liberal Education

BY Mr. SHADGETT,

From London.

Mr. Shadgett’s Academy is now open for the reception of youth at his residence No. 1 Hope Street, Upper Town.

Mr. Shadgett is known to the public, as having been selected and sent expressly from England, to introduce the Schools on the National Principle and the New mode of Tuition into this Country; and as having received the approbation of several Gentlemen and Scholars, well qualified to decide, who have honoured by inspection the Schools which have been formed by him.

The Academy now Opened will be found peculiarly adapted to the more respectable and advancing classes of youth, embracing (by a rational, explanatory and easy mode of conveyance) all the higher branches of an Academical instruction.

Young Gentlemen, (and Ladies) whose education has been neglected, or, whose Parents have hitherto regarded them as dull and unpromising, may be secure of advancement in this School.

Parents and Guardians of the higher order of CANADIAN youth, desirous of perfecting them in a thorough and intimate acquaintance with the English Language and its just pronunciation, will have every facility afforded them by Mr. S. who is a native of London.

The Terms are moderate.

Entrance to the School Room 2nd Door on the right from Hope Street or St. Famille Street, corner of Joseph Street.

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The Register Established last year for Emigrants &c. will be continued at the Quebec General Agency Office, adjoining the National Printing Office, Hope Street. Persons in want of Servants, Mechanics, Labourers &c. can be supplied.—

Charge for every separate Registry, 1s. 3d.

To be Paid at the time of Entry.

All possible attention will be given to the Character of Individuals; though the proprietor cannot be answerable for such.

Sales and Transfers of land and every description of business transacted by Commission.

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FOR SALE,

Several Lots of excellent land directly on the line of the road called Craig’s Road, in the Township of Ireland, the situation most eligible for the erection of Stores, Taverns &c. Purchase Money 20l for each lot of 100 Acres. Apply to

COL. BOUCHETTE,

Land Surveyor General.

Or the Printer.

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Advertisements inserted at the following rates—
In one Language,

In both Languages, Double the above rates.

N.B. Every 1st insertion must be paid in Advance.

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Mis-spelled words and printer errors have been corrected. Where multiple spellings occur, majority use has been employed.

Punctuation has been maintained except where obvious printer errors occur.

When nested quoting was encountered, nested double quotes were changed to single quotes.

Space between paragraphs varied greatly. The thought-breaks which have been inserted attempt to agree with the larger paragraph spacing, but it is quite possible that this was simply the methodology used by the typesetter, and that there should be no thought-breaks.

Advertising copy has been consolidated at the end of the magazine.

[The end of The Enquirer Issue 09 of 12 (January 1822) edited by Robert-Anne d’Estimauville]